Monthly Archives: December 2008

AUR#920 Dec 19 Microsoft Is Number 100; Magisters; Horizon Capital; EPAM Systems; Currency Freefall; Economic Meltdown; Pinchuk & Clinton;

ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR       
An International Newsletter, The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis and Commentary

Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion, Economics,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World       
 
MICROSOFT IS NUMBER 100
 
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 920
Mr. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor, SigmaBleyzer
WASHINGTON, D.C., FRIDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2008
 
INDEX OF ARTICLES  ——
Clicking on the title of any article takes you directly to the article.               
Return to Index by clicking on Return to Index at the end of each article
1.  MICROSOFT BECOMES 100th MEMBER OF U.S.-UKRAINE BUSINESS COUNCIL (USUBC)
U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), Wash, D.C., Thu, Dec 18, 2008
 
The Lawyer.com, London, United Kingdom, Monday, December 8, 2008
 
Horizon Capital, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, October 3, 2008
 
EPAM Systems, Lawrenceville, New Jersey, Wednesday, December 3, 2008
 
5UKRAINE: NEW DEMOCRATIC COALITION AGREEMENT SIGNED
Unblocked Parliament Passes Anti-crisis Measures
BYuT Newsletter Inform, Issue 97, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, December 18, 2008
 
6UKRAINE’S CURRENCY MAY FALL 24% MORE AS IMF LIMITS INTERVENTION
By Michael Patterson and Laura Cochrane, Bloomberg, Friday, December 19, 2008
 
By Timothy Ash, Head of CEEMEA research, Royal Bank of Scotland
London, United Kingdom, Thursday, December 18 2008
 
The Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Thursday, December 18, 2008
 
9UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER DEMANDS CHIEF BANKER’S DISMISSAL OVER CURRENCY CRISIS 
UT1, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian 1410 gmt 18 Dec 08
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thursday, December 18, 2008 
 
Inter TV, Kiev, Ukraine, in Russian 1800 gmt 18 Dec 08 
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, In English, Thursday, December 18, 2008  
 
11 UKRAINE’S ECONOMY CAN START GROWING AGAIN NO EARLIER THAN IN 2010
Interfax, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, December 16, 2008

12WEBSITE PUBLISHES UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT’S REPORT ON ECONOMIC SITUATION
“Crisis Through the Eyes of Bankova, Classified Materials”

Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian 15 Dec 08
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, December 15, 2008
 
IMF Press Release No. 08/271, Washington, D.C. Wed, November 5, 2008
Ukrainian banking sector hit hard by financial crisis
Commentary & Analysis: By Pavel Korduban, Eurasia Daily Monitor, Vol 5, Issue 240
The Jamestown Foundation, Wash, D.C. Wed, December 17, 2008 
 
Associated Press (AP), Washington, D.C., Thursday, December 18, 2008
 
Holodomor is a Ukrainian invention
By Conor Sweeney, Reuters, Moscow, Russia, Friday, Dec 19, 2008
By Maria Kulczycky, Chicago, Illinois, Saturday, December 6, 2008
Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Washington, D.C., Friday, December 19, 2008
By Zoreslaw Bayduk, Voice of America (VOA), in Ukrainian, Wash, D.C.,  Tue, Dec 2, 2008 
English translation by Borys Potapenko, Detroit, Michigan, AUR, Wash, D.C., Dec 18, 2008
 
HOLODOMOR OF 1932-1933 IN UKRAINE “MY PEOPLE WILL LIVE FOREVER”
Address by H. E. Valdus Adamkus, President of the Republic of Lithuania
International Forum to Commemorate the 75th Anniversary of the Holodomor, Kyiv, Ukraine
President of Lithuania Website, Vilnius, Lithuania, Saturday, November 22, 2008  
Review & Outlook Editorial: Wall Street Journal Europe, NY, NY, Tue, Nov 25, 2008
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1
 MICROSOFT BECOMES 100th MEMBER OF U.S.-UKRAINE BUSINESS COUNCIL (USUBC)
 
U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), Washington, D.C., Thursday, December 18, 2008

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Microsoft, the worldwide leader in software, services and solutions, has been approved as the 100th member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), according to its executive committee, in an announcement on behalf of the entire USUBC membership, issued at the USUBC annual meeting in Washington, D.C. on Wednesday.  USUBC celebrates the opportunity to name one of the world’s best known corporations, Microsoft, as the 100th member.   

 
Founded in 1975, Microsoft (Nasdaq “MSFT”) provides software, services and solutions around the globe that help people and businesses realize their full potential.   Microsoft has 94,000 employees worldwide and is headquartered in Redmond, Washington, USA.
 
Dorothy Dwoskin, Senior Director, Global Trade Policy and Strategy, Microsoft, Washington, D.C., spoke on behalf of Microsoft at the USUBC annual meeting. She said, “Microsoft is very pleased to join USUBC as the 100th member and looks forward to working with USUBC for the advancement of the Ukrainian business community.  Microsoft is very committed to the Ukrainian market and continues to expand its program in Ukraine.”
 
MICROSOFT SET UP UKRAINIAN SUBSIDIARY IN 2003

Microsoft established its Ukrainian subsidiary in 2003. Since then, the local office grew from 5 to 150 employees developing a local partner ecosystem and raising awareness of Microsoft products in Ukraine.   A recent study by IDC found that for every dollar of revenue that Microsoft earns in Ukraine, local IT companies earn an average of US $26.33.  Microsoft Ukraine has been named one of Ukraine’s best employers in 2007.
Microsoft is an active member of the Ukrainian society. It actively engages with the education and business communities to foster local innovation, to use technology to improve education in schools, and to educate teachers, parents and students about child safety online.
 
MICROSOFT A SUCCESS STORY FOR AMERICAN-UKRAINIAN BUSINESS RELATIONS

“Microsoft is a success story for American-Ukrainian business relations. We work closely with the emerging private sector in Ukraine as well as the Ukrainian government on a variety of issues, from software legalization to e-government.   Membership in USUBC is a key to building these relationships.”
said Eric Franke, General Manager of Microsoft Ukraine.
 
Franke continued stating, “Working together with USUBC, Microsoft will continue to help build Ukraine’s  local software economy and looks forward to advancing intellectual property rights protection in Ukraine.” 
 
Mr. Franke has headed the Ukrainian subsidiary of Microsoft since December 2007. Prior to joining Microsoft, he ran several telecommunications companies in Ukraine in Russia, including UMC (now MTS Ukraine), Komstar and GTS.  Additional information about Microsoft can be found on its website: http://www.microsoft.com.
 
PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO CONGRATULATES MICROSOFT & USUBC 
 
USUBC received several letters of congratulations about USUBC’s rapid membership growth the last two years and about Microsoft being named the 100th member from leaders in Ukraine and the United States. 
 
Letters were read at the USUBC annual meeting from Ukrainian leaders Victor Yushchenko, President of Ukraine; First Lady of Ukraine Kateryna Yushchenko; Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko; First Deputy Prime Minister Ivan Vasiunyk; Minister of Economy Bohdan Danylyshyn, and Oleh Shamshur, Ambassador of Ukraine to the United States.  From the U.S. side letters were received from the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine William B. Taylor and from U.S. Secretary of Commerce, Carlos M. Gutierrez. 
 
Oleh Shamshur, Ambassador of Ukraine to the U.S., read the letter from President Victor Yushchenko to those who attended the USUBC annual meeting in Washington.  President Yushchenko said in his letter to USUBC President Morgan Williams, “Let me congratulate the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council [USUBC] and you personally on the occasion of 100th member joining USUBC, the Microsoft Corporation. 

“I would like to stress that the active efforts taken by USUBC fill with real substance the strategic partnership between our countries. Effective work in the trade and investment sector of a number of organizations, USUBC included, has contributed to a significant growth in U.S.-Ukraine trade.
“I hope that, assisted by the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council, mutually beneficial cooperation between Ukrainian and American businesses will expand.”
Sincerely yours, Victor Yushchenko
 
LETTER FROM UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER YULIYA TYMOSHENKO 
 
“Thank you for your commitment to investment in Ukraine.  Your perseverance in working in our country, in some cases over many years, is critical to Ukraine’s economic and commercial development.  The engagement of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC) promotes the right business practices, and indeed, along with the European Business Association and the US Chamber of Commerce in Ukraine, has been instrumental in the design and implementation of BYuT’s “Contract with Investors,” Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko wrote in her letter to USUBC of December 16, 2008.
 
“While the road toward transparency and rule of law that supports sustainable investment is a difficult one, especially in a global environment with such grave challenges, you have my commitment to continue to work to this end.  Our work in government is to create the framework so that all foreign and domestic investors can operate in confidence. 
 
“Despite the political and financial turmoil, we have accomplished significant gains in refunding long overdue VAT refunds, progressed in our efforts to adopt a Joint Company Stock Law and we expect that the OPIC dispute will be resolved in the coming days.  But we have much more work to do.
 
“I would ask that each and every one of you work in a transparent manner that conforms to Ukrainian and U.S. law, and in accordance with the best practices of the American business culture.  Ukraine can gain much from your engagement; as American business has so often done globally.  I ask you to lead by example in your business practices.
 
“Again, my compliments to USUBC on its growth and my wishes for its continued success.”
UKRAINE’S FIRST LADY KATERYNA YUSHCHENKO 
 
Ukraine’s First Lady Kateryna Yushchenko wrote in her letter to USUBC, “I am delighted to hear that Microsoft has become the 100th member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council.  Your dynamic and dedicated leadership has more than quadrupled membership in the Council over the past two years.
 
We are proud that many prominent American businesses who have been active on the Ukrainian market are now expanding their work and that others are
entering Ukraine’s economy at such a fast pace.
 
U.S. companies have been in the forefront not only in investment in Ukraine, but have also served as excellent examples of corporate responsibility. We are grateful for their extensive involvement in so many different areas of Ukraine’s development, and their commitment to improving the lives of Ukrainian citizens. 
 
We encourage all the USUBC members to continue to invest in Ukraine’s future by supporting our health, education, cultural and arts organizations.  This is particularly necessary now, as the less fortunate sectors of our society particularly feel the brunt of the world and national financial crisis.” Respectively, Kateryna Yushchenko
 
DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER IVAN VASIUNYK
 
“On behalf of the Government of Ukraine I would like to congratulate the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council and its President Mr. Morgan Williams on admitting the 100th members into its ranks.  Since its inception thirteen years ago USUBC emerged as one of the most active and consistent promoters of closer business ties and trade relations between Ukraine and the U.S., ” Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister Ivan Vasiunyk wrote in a letter to USUBC dated December 17. 
 
“The recent substantial growth in its membership is a sign of the Council’s recognition within the U.S. business community as an effective advocate of its interests. USUBC also plays an instrumental role in facilitating contacts between the U.S. businesses and Ukrainian government officials.  This allows to identify and realize key investments and trade opportunities benefiting both the U.S. and Ukraine.
 
“Currently Ukraine is embarking on a major modernization project in order to prepare its major cities to host the soccer games of Euro Cup in 2012.  This requires active involvement of private investors willing to help the Government of Ukraine build new infrastructure objects, including airport terminals, roads and hotels.  USUBC can play its part by informing its members about the Government’s business plans for EURO-2012 and by engaging
major businesses into their implementation.” 
 
“I would like to wish USUBC and all of its members further success in your activities and hope that you will sieze on all of the new lucrative opportunities Ukraine has to offer.”   Sincerely, Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine, Ivan Vasiunyk  
 
MINISTER OF ECONOMY OF UKRAINE BOHDAN DANYLYSHYN
“On behalf of the Ministry of Economy of Ukraine and on my own behalf let me congratulate the USUBC [U.S.-Ukraine Business Council] on the occasion of its 100th member, Microsoft,” the Minister of Economy of Ukraine, Bohdan Danylyshyn, wrote in his letter to USUBC on December 17, 2008. “Being an active player in the international business life, USUBC has successfully enrolled for cooperation a large number of world-famous companies.”
Minister Danylyshyn continued, “I would especially like to emphasize the role of the USUBC in organizing of the 1st Bilateral Business Forum held within the framework of the founding session of the Ukraine-U.S. Council on Trade and Investment in October 2008 in Kyiv [Ministry of Economy and USTR]. We note with pleasure that close ties are being formed between the business circles and governments of our countries that open new avenues for investment and trade. 
 
“I hope that USUBC’s extensive experience in developing cooperation between government institutions will be handy in the run-up to the Council’s 2nd session due in 2009 in Washington.
 
“Such cooperation is ample evidence of the soundness of the initiative launched by the Ministry of Economy aimed to attract U.S. companies’ representatives for cooperation with government interagency commissions and work groups responsible for decision-making in the area of entrepreneurship and business environment improvement. 

“I am convinced that mutually beneficial cooperation between Ukrainian and American financial and business circles will deepen the strategic partnership between Ukraine and the United States, expand investment both by a broader presence of US businesses on Ukrainian markets and of Ukrainian businesses on the U.S. markets.

Let me express my deep gratitude to all USUBC members and you personally for your support and wish you every success in strengthening the friendly ties between our countries.”  Respectfully yours, Bohdan Danylyshyn, Minister of Economy of Ukraine
 
AMBASSADOR OF UKRAINE TO THE U.S. OLEH SHAMSHUR
 
The Ambassador of Ukraine to the U.S., Oleh Shamshur, wrote on December 12 to USUBC, “I am pleased to congratulate you on this important occasion — announcement of Microsoft as 100th member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council [USUBC].  This certainly shows the effectiveness of the work that USUBC has done to promote Ukrainian-American business relations.
 
“In comparatively short time USUBC was able to increase its membership up to five times becoming by far the strongest and largest Ukraine related trade association outside Ukraine.
 
“I am confident that the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council will continue to successfully promote and strengthen U.S.-Ukraine economic cooperation.  I would like to wish you all the best, good luck in realization of new projects, creative energy, and, of course, many new members.
 
“Using this opportunity I would also like to send all  members of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council my warmest wishes for a Holiday Season and a prosperous New Year!”  Sincerely, Oleh Shamshur
U.S. AMBASSADOR WILLIAM B. TAYLOR 
 
U.S. Ambassador William B. Taylor wrote in his December 15 letter to USUBC, “Congratulations on welcoming Microsoft as the 100th member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council.  Companies join your organization because they see real benefits – timely information on the Ukrainian business climate and effective advocacy for reform and action. 
 
“Your engagement not only helps U.S. companies achieve a real level playing field in the Ukrainian market, but the real results that your organization delivers help improve the overall business and investment climate here. 
 
The U.S. Embassy appreciates your engagement and looks forward to continuing our joint efforts on behalf of the U.S. business community in Ukraine.  Now more than ever, we need to support it.”  Sincerely, William B. Taylor, Ambassador
 

U.S. SECRETARY OF COMMERCE CARLOS GUTIERREZ
 
Paul B. Dyck, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Europe and Eurasia at the U.S. Department of Commerce attended the USUBC annual meeting and read the following letter to USUBC from the U.S. Secretary of Commerce Carlos Gutierrez:  “On behalf of the U.S. Department of Commerce, it gives me great pleasure to welcome the members of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council to the 2008 annual meeting.
 
“Council members represent some of American’s finest companies and play an important role in transforming Ukraine’s economy.  The Council’s success in more than tripling its membership during the past two years attests to the interests that Ukraine holds for U.S. businesses. I congratulate the Council on the addition of Microsoft as its 100th member, and I support your efforts to build trade and investment ties between the United
States and Ukraine.
 
“I wish each of your members success in Ukraine and urge your continued partnership with the Department of Commerce as we work together to strengthen U.S.-Ukrainian relations.”  Sincerely, Carlos M. Gutierrez
 
USUBC MEMBERSHIP NOW STANDS AT 100
 
“USUBC is very pleased to have an important U.S. and international company such as Microsoft as the 100th member” said Morgan Williams, SigmaBleyzer, who serves as president of USUBC.  “USUBC has grown very rapidly during the past 22 months and now has a membership base which allows USUBC to provide its members such as Microsoft with a full-time operation and a significantly expanded program of work,” according to USUBC President Williams who is director of government affairs, Washington, D.C. office, for SigmaBleyzer Private Equity Investment Group. 
Microsoft is the 50th member to join in 2008, and the 78th new member since January of 2007. USUBC membership has quadrupled in the past 24 months, going from 22 members in January of 2007 to 100 members in December of 2008.   USUBC added one new member per week in 2008. 
 
Aitken Berlin LLP law firm in Washington, D.C., along with its subsidiaries, the Homeland Security Industries Association (HSIA) and the Global Development Law & Consulting Group (Global Development), became the 99th member of USUBC. 
 
Mars Ukraine was USUBC member ninety-eight. Mars, Incorporated is a family owned company, with six industry leading business units – Chocolate, Petcare, Food,  Drinks, Symbioscience and now Wrigley Gum and Sugar. Headquartered in McLean, Virginia, Mars, Incorporated operates in more than 79 countries.
 
Pratt & Whitney-Paton (PW-P), an American-Ukrainian joint venture between the Pratt & Whitney division of the United Technologies Corporation, USA, and the E. O. Paton Electric Welding Institute in Kyiv, Ukraine, was USUBC member ninety-seven.  

The new USUBC members in 2008 include MaxWell USA, Baker and McKenzie law firm, Och-Ziff Capital Management Group, Dipol Chemical International, MJA Asset Management, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, Halliburton, DLA Piper law firm, EPAM Systems, DHL International Ukraine, Air Tractor, Inc., Magisters law firm, Ernst & Young, Umbra LLC., US PolyTech LLC, Vision TV LLC, Crumpton Group, Standard Chartered Bank, TNK-BP Commerce LLC, Rakotis, American Councils for International Education, Squire, Sanders & Dempsey LLP, International Commerce Corporation, and IMTC-MEI.
 
Additional new USUBC members in 2008 are: Nationwide Equipment Company, First International Resources, the Doheny Global Group, Foyil Securities, KPMG, Asters law firm, Solid Team LLC, R & J Trading International, Vasil Kisil & Partners law firm, AeroSvit Ukrainian Airlines, Anemone Green Capital Limited, ContourGlobal, Winner Imports LLC (Ford, Jaguar, Land Rover, Volvo, Porsche), 3M, Edelman, CEC Government Relations RZB Finance LLC (Raiffeisen), IBM Ukraine, SoftServe Inc., The Washington Group (TWG), SE Raelin/Cajo, Inc., AnaCom, Inc., Pratt & Whitney-Paton, AGCO/Massey Ferguson, Zurich, Mars Ukraine, Aiken-Berlin LLP/HSIA and Microsoft. 
 
The complete USUBC membership list and additional information about USUBC can be found at: http://www.usubc.org.
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2.  UKRAINE’S MAGISTERS LAW FIRM MAKES BELARUS MERGER

The Lawyer.com, London, United Kingdom, Monday, December 8, 2008

LONDON – Ukrainian law firm Magisters is to launch its first office in Belarus, merging with local law firm BelJurBureau. The deal will take the
newly-combined firm past the 130-lawyer mark and is expected to be completed by the end of January 2009.

In total, 12 lawyers will join Magisters, led by partners Anna Rusetskaya and Denis Turovets in the Belarus office. Turovets will become managing
partner of ­Magisters’ Belarus office. He said the country’s underdeveloped legal market makes it ripe for new entrants to take advantage of an increase
in work. BelJurBureau’s lawyers work in practice areas such as dispute resolution, real estate, intellectual property and corporate.

“The Belarus market is one of the most attractive and financially stable in the region,” said Turovets. “The government’s recent privatisation plans
make it a lucrative emerging market for early entrants, as compared with more mature markets in the region such as Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan.”

Magisters is familiar with the merger process and has aggressive expansion plans. In 2006 the firm merged with Pravis Reznikov Vlasenko and Partners in
Ukraine and Legas Legal Solutions in Russia. Oleg Riabokon, managing partner of Magisters, said: “We intend to replicate in Belarus the success of our
mergers in 2006.”

This year has been one of the firm’s most active. ­Magisters opened a three-lawyer office in Georgia at the start of the year and hired its first
chief operating officer, Jason Bruzdzinski, from ­US-funded research centre Mitre Corporation.

Magisters also hired two new partners for the Moscow office from Rosneft and Russin & Vecchi and brought in UniCredit board member Sergey Karaganov as senior adviser.

The legal markets of ­Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have witnessed a ­flurry of activity at the end of 2008. Austrian law firm Schönherr has
launched three new offices in the region, opening bases in the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia.

Schönherr will take over the Prague and Warsaw offices of Herbert Smith’s German ally Gleiss Lutz in the new year, while simultaneously launching its
own office in Bratislava.

Gleiss Lutz opened its Prague and Warsaw offices in 1992 and 1998 respectively. Four of its partners partners, two from each office, will join
Schönherr as part of the transfer deal.

In Prague partners ­Martin Nedelka and ­Martin Kubánek will move over to the Austrian firm, while in Warsaw partners Pawel Siekierzynski and Przemyslaw Pietrzak will join ­Schönherr together with counsel Torsten Bogen.

Rainer Loges, managing partner of Gleiss Lutz, said: “To be successful as a law firm, you regularly have to review your strategy. We opened our offices
in Prague and Warsaw ­initially to help our clients enter these markets. Today, our clients’ demands have changed and we believe they’ll be better
served by aligning our Eastern European offices with a firm whose strategic focus is on CEE.”

Earlier this year, Linklaters decided to scrap its offices in Bratislava, Buch­arest, Budapest and Prague, ­creating spin-off firm ­Kinstellar, led by
Linklaters’ former CEE head Jason Mogg. In September, Bird & Bird made its first foray into the region, simultaneously launching a series of offices in
Bratislava, Budapest, Prague and Warsaw. LINK: http://www.thelawyer.com/item/135993

 
NOTE:  Magisters law firm is a member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), www.usubc.org.
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3.  HORIZON CAPITAL INVESTS $15 MILLION INTO UKRAINIAN FOOD RETAIL CHAIN ‘FRESH’ 

Horizon Capital, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, October 3, 2008

KYIV – Horizon Capital, a private equity manager focused on mid-cap investments in Ukraine, today signed an equity investment agreement to invest US$15 million in equity in Evrotek Group PLC, the holding company for a recently formed Ukrainian food retail chain operating under the trade name Fresh, alongside International Finance Corporation (IFC). This investment will enable the company to further expand its modern retail chain.

“This investment will help us expand the chain geographically and build our market share. While the sector is growing rapidly, it is still fragmented and segments of the population and geography are very underserved by modern retail formats like Fresh,” said Mikhailo Veselsky, Evrotek’s Founder and Chief Executive Officer.

Evrotek Group PLC entered the food retail chain market in 2006 and is one of Ukraine’s newest retail store chains. “Fresh” has two standard formats: supermarket (1300 m2) and mini-hypermarket (2400 m2).

It intends to develop presence in large Ukrainian cities (population in excess of 100,000). Fresh has opened eight stores to-date, operating in Evpatoriya, Kerch, Kryviy Rih, Kherson and Rivne. The company’s expansion plan foresees a total of 58 stores and 3 logistics centers by 2010.

Mark Iwashko, Co-Managing Partner of Horizon Capital said: “This investment is an excellent opportunity not only to back an entrepreneur with a solid track record of success, but also to invest in one of the most interesting and fast growing sectors in Ukraine. Ukraine has consistently been ranked at the top of the AT Kearney Global Retail Development Index due to the size and potential of the market and the low level of modern retail penetration. ”

This investment was made on behalf of Emerging Europe Growth Fund (“EEGF”), a $132 million fund. This is a new investment in a portfolio of 11 companies, of which almost 40% are in the consumer/retail segment. Horizon Capital invested on behalf of EEGF from 2006 to 2008 focusing on the fastest growing mid-market companies in Ukraine, Moldova and the region.

ABOUT HORIZON CAPITAL: 
Horizon Capital (www.horizoncapital.com.ua) is a private equity fund manager that originates and manages investments in mid-cap companies with outstanding growth and profit potential in Ukraine and the region.

 
Currently, Horizon Capital manages three funds, Emerging Europe Growth Fund II (EEGF II), Emerging Europe Growth Fund (EEGF) and Western NIS Enterprise Fund (WNISEF), with over $600 million under management.
For additional information please contact: Tetyana Bega, Investor Relations Manager, Horizon Capital, +380 44 490 5580; +380 44 490 5589
e-mail: tbega@horizoncapital.com.ua
 
NOTE:  Horizon Capital is a member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC)
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4.  EPAM SYSTEMS RANKED 5TH AMONG FASTEST GROWING COMPANIES IN NEW JERSEY

 
EPAM Systems, Lawrenceville, New Jersey, Wednesday, December 3, 2008

LAWRENCEVILLE, NJ – EPAM Systems, Inc. was honored as the 5th within the fifty fastest growing companies ranking of New Jersey businesses by NJBIZ, the state’s weekly business journal. EPAM Systems (www.epam.com), is a leading provider of software engineering and IT Outsourcing (ITO) services with delivery centers in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE).

New Jersey and its vicinity is home to over 20 percent of the FORTUNE 500® company headquarters, with more than 1,100 multinational firms from over 40 nations. This region is often referred to as “the epicenter of the nation’s largest business corridor.” EPAM, founded and headquartered in Lawrenceville, has made the New Jersey’s Finest list for the 3rd consecutive year, and was honored by NJBIZ on November 17th at their annual award ceremony.

“We are proud to be among the winners of this prestigious award. EPAM’s technology expertise and global presence that help companies outsource critical IT needs in a timely and cost-effective manner — in our case, worldwide — have served us, and our clients, well. Congratulations to all the winners! We are committed to continue bringing value to our clients, while growing EPAM Systems in this difficult business environment,” stated Arkadiy Dobkin, EPAM President and CEO.

ABOUT NJBIZ
NJBIZ, New Jersey`s only weekly business journal covering the entire state, was founded in 1987. The publication has received numerous statewide and national awards including the 2006 Most Improved Award from the Alliance of Area Business Publications.  NJBIZ is owned by Journal Publications Inc., a multi title publishing and events company based in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, www.njbiz.com.

ABOUT EPAM SYSTEMS 
Established in 1993, EPAM Systems, Inc. is the leading global software engineering and IT consulting provider with delivery centers throughout Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Headquartered in the United States and serving clients worldwide, EPAM provides software development and IT related services through its more than 4,500 professionals deployed across client delivery centers in Russia, Belarus, Hungary, and Ukraine.

EPAM’s core competencies include complex software product engineering for leading global software and technology vendors, as well as development, testing, maintenance, and support of mission critical business applications and vertically oriented IT consulting services for global Fortune 2000 corporations.

EPAM is ranked among the top companies in IAOP’s “The 2008 Global Outsourcing 100” and in “2007 Top 50 Best Managed Outsourcing Vendors” by Brown-Wilson Group`s Black Book of Outsourcing. Global Services Magazine recognized EPAM in its “2008 Global Services 100” list as No.1 company in the “Emerging European Markets” and included EPAM into the global Top 10 “Best Performing IT Services Providers”.

For further information contact Alena Busko, Marketing Manager, EPAM Systems , Delivering Excellence in Software Engineering, Office phone: +1 (609) 613-4031, ext. 50474, E-mail: press@epam.com, Website: www.epam.com.
 
NOTE:  EPAM Systems is a member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), www.usubc.org.
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U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC): http://www.usubc.org
Promoting U.S.-Ukraine business relations & investment since 1995.
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5.  UKRAINE: NEW DEMOCRATIC COALITION AGREEMENT SIGNED
Unblocked Parliament Passes Anti-crisis Measures

BYuT Newsletter Inform, Issue 97, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, December 18, 2008

KYIV – Yesterday, representatives of the three blocs that comprise the recently announced Coalition of National Development, Stability and Order signed an official coalition agreement. This rubber stamps the formation of the democratic coalition, announced last week in the wake of Volodymyr Lytvyn’s appointment as Chairman (speaker) of Ukraine’s parliament.

The speaker appointment unblocked parliament, enabling lawmakers to pass measures to address the global financial crisis that is ravaging the country’s
economy.

The new coalition agreement was signed by Ivan Kyrylenko, the parliamentary leader of the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko (BYuT), Borys Tarasyuk, deputy leader of the pro-presidential Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defence (OU-PSD) bloc and Ihor Sharov, faction leader of the centrist Lytvyn bloc.

The formation of the new coalition has removed the need for BYuT and the Party of Regions to forge an alternative national unity coalition – something BYuT’s leader, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, hinted at unless the pro-presidential bloc returned to the fold.

The first hurdle in ending the deadlock was overcome when a majority of lawmakers in each bloc signed their intent to form the new coalition. A
simple majority is all that is needed to activate such an agreement. In the case of OU-PSD, 37 of its 72 lawmakers committed their bloc.

 
With BYuT and the Lytvyn bloc already backing the coalition, its birth was announced last Wednesday, only moments after Mr Lytvyn was elected speaker by 244 lawmakers in the 450-seat assembly.

The president, has been lukewarm to hostile in his reception to the coalition. It is believed that he would have preferred a grand coalition or
pre-term elections. However, speaking to the BBC, he conceded the need to end the deadlock. “I agree that the political crisis doesn’t help solve the
economic crisis. We need to find a way out of the political crisis,” said Mr Yushchenko.

Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko was more upbeat. “I am convinced that this marks the end of the political crisis and will provide a strong platform
from which to address the effects of the severe global financial and economic downturn,” she said.

No Parliamentary Election Before Presidential Election
Under the terms of the coalition agreement the parties have agreed that there should be no parliamentary election before the presidential election,
which is slated for 2010. Yulia Tymoshenko will also stay on as prime minister. “I see no legal grounds for substantial changes in the government
and, first and foremost, the prime minister,” said Mr Lytvyn.

Yesterday, Mr Kyrylenko hinted at cabinet changes. “We agreed that we will not change the government, but there will be changes in government,” he
said. Details of a reshuffle are expected in the next few days.

Warm Response from International and Financial Communities
News of the coalition was welcomed by the international community. The European People’s Party – Europe’s largest centre-right political movement –
congratulated the president and premier.

The banking world also praised the new coalition, but tempered its enthusiasm due to the gloomy outlook for Ukraine’s economy. The country is
struggling to cope with a falling hryvnia, which is down nearly 60 percent this year against the dollar, and a slump in industrial output, down 29
percent in November.

Tim Ash, head of emerging markets research for Central and Eastern Europe, Middle East and Africa for the Royal Bank of Scotland said, “The fact that a
new coalition has been formed is positive, but the new administration and Ukraine more generally still faces huge challenges.”

The restoration of a working parliament to pass legislation to satisfy International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditions was a top priority for BYuT’s
leadership. Last Thursday parliament passed the required spending cuts and on Friday approved measures aimed at softening the impact of the crisis.
These included increased funding for pensions, deposit insurance and conditions that prohibit banks from unilaterally amending the conditions of
loans.

Parliament also passed the first reading of a law aimed at defending Ukraine’s domestic car industry. The legislation, which is compliant with World Trade
Organisation and EU rules, provides domestic manufacturers with local advantages without penalising foreign imports.

Despite tough conditions, the IMF suggested that Ukraine is now on course to receive its second tranche of the $16.4 billion bail-out loan announced in
October. So far, Ukraine has received its first tranche amounting to $4.5 billion. In return the government scrapped plans to increase public spending.

Ceyla Pazarbasioglu, the head of the IMF mission to Ukraine, expressed her backing for the National Bank of Ukraine’s policies to let the market
determine exchange rates and to recapitalise major banks.

We appreciate that we are in for a bumpy ride,” said Viktor Pynzenyk, Minister for Finance, “but we now have a parliament that functions and a
government that will not shirk from making the tough decisions needed to make progress.”
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6.  UKRAINE’S CURRENCY MAY FALL 24% MORE AS IMF LIMITS INTERVENTION

By Michael Patterson and Laura Cochrane, Bloomberg, Friday, December 19, 2008

NEW YORK – Ukraine’s currency, down 50 percent against the dollar since June, may weaken another 24 percent as the International Monetary Fund
restricts the former Soviet nation from halting the slide, Commerzbank AG says.

“It’s like a freefall, a falling knife,” said Michael Ganske, head of emerging markets in London for Commerzbank, Germany’s second-biggest bank. “The central bank has limited ammunition and ability and willingness to support the currency.”

The IMF’s $16.4 billion bailout package, agreed to last month, requires Ukraine to move toward a flexible exchange rate and prohibits reserves from
falling more than 4 percent by yearend from about $32.8 billion now. While the pact permits intervention to stem “disorderly” swings, Ganske said such
a decision “would be stupid.”

Ukraine’s central bank raised its refinancing rate to 18 percent yesterday from 17 percent to arrest the hryvnia’s decline after it fell as much as 18 percent in two days. The currency pared its decline yesterday to 9.1 per dollar from as weak as 9.78 as policymakers sold reserves and said a rate above 9 was “unacceptable.” At the start of the year, the dollar bought 5.04 hryvnia.

President Viktor Yushchenko threatened to fire central bank employees this week and Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko demanded National Bank of Ukraine Governor Volodymyr Stelmakh’s dismissal. The country’s ruling coalition collapsed in September amid disagreement between Yushchenko and Timoshenko, before forming again this month.

STEEL STOCKS
Ukraine’s benchmark PFTS stock index has dropped 74 percent this year, the third-steepest retreat among 22 so-called frontier markets tracked by MSCI
Inc. Mariupolsky Metallurgical Plant, Ukraine’s largest steel company by revenue, slid 92 percent in trading in Kiev.

The extra yield investors demand to own Ukrainian government bonds instead of U.S. Treasuries has increased more than nine times this year to 25.86
percentage points, according to JPMorgan Chase & Co.’s EMBI+ indexes. That compares with an almost three- fold increase in the main emerging-market
index to 7.09 percentage points.

“I wouldn’t like to be in the shoes of the central bankers right now,” said Alexander Morozov, chief economist in Moscow for HSBC Holdings Plc, Europe’s biggest bank. “There’s not much of a way out.”

Yushchenko’s economic aide Roman Zhukovskyi said this week that 60 percent of foreign-currency loans and mortgages may go into default because of the
decline.

DEFAULT SWAPS
Ukraine, with $105 billion of corporate and state debt, has the fourth-highest credit risk worldwide, credit-default swaps show. The cost to safeguard Ukraine’s bonds against default jumped more than 13 times this year to 31 percent of the amount of debt protected, behind Ecuador, which defaulted last week, at 59 percent, Argentina, which reneged on $95 billion of bonds in 2001, at 46 percent, and Venezuela at 33 percent, CMA Datavision figures on Bloomberg show.

Credit-default swaps, contracts conceived to protect bondholders against default, pay the buyer face value in exchange for the underlying securities or the cash equivalent should a company fail to adhere to its debt agreements.

Ukrainian companies need to repay as much as $4.1 billion this month as lenders refuse to refinance the debt amid the worst global financial crisis since the Great Depression, according to Dmitry Gourov, an economist focusing on Ukraine at UniCredit SpA in Vienna. Dollar loans made up 53 percent of credit issued by Ukrainian lenders as of Sept. 30, the central bank Web site says.

SHRINKING PRODUCTION
The economy, which relies on steel for 40 percent of exports, is weakening after production dropped 48.8 percent in November and prices tumbled.

European hot rolled coil, the benchmark steel product, fell 47 percent since August to $425 a metric ton, according to data from U.K. industry publication Metal Bulletin.

The economy, which has expanded at an average annual rate of 7 percent since 2000, may shrink 5 percent next year, Oleksandr Shlapak, the president’s
deputy chief of staff, said last month.

Industrial production shrank by a record 28.6 percent in November as steel, machine building and oil refining slumped, after a 19.8 percent decline in
October, the Ukrainian Statistics Office said last week.

“This has to be stabilized now, and the only way to stabilize the situation is probably by tweaking the IMF program with more money and changing the
conditions to reflect these new more difficult realities,” said Simon Johnson, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington and former chief economist of the IMF.

IMF PROGRAM
The IMF has allocated $4.5 billion to support the country’s banks, increase deposit insurance and boost funding for unemployment benefits, according to
the last statement on the fund’s Web site, dated Nov. 5. Before the IMF deal, Natsionalnyi Bank Ukrainy drained $3.4 billion in November and $4.1
billion the previous month to manage the currency’s decline.

The IMF “doesn’t want to see its money wasted on defending a currency level that isn’t sustainable,” said Nick Chamie, head of emerging-market research
at RBC Capital Markets in Toronto.

Balazs Horvath, the IMF representative in Kiev, said in an interview yesterday that the government needs to stick to the agreement “to keep the
exchange rate from collapsing.”

The central bank will sell U.S. currency at a rate of 8.7 hryvnia per dollar today, 4.5 percent below the market exchange rate, Finance Minister Viktor
Pynzenyk said in televised remarks yesterday. Central banks intervene when they buy or sell currencies to influence exchange rates.

‘STRICTER POLICY’
“We will have a stricter monetary policy,” Stelmakh, the central bank governor, said yesterday. The central bank is calling for a law to force exporters to convert part of their revenue into hryvnia and a ban on household loans in foreign currencies, Petro Poroshenko, head of the central bank’s council, said late yesterday in Kiev.

“The central bank has asked exporters to sell their dollars, but in this situation exporters are reluctant to convert because they see a further  dip,” said Mandar Jayawant, a managing partner at Singapore-based Frontier Investment & Development Partners, which manages private-equity funds in frontier markets and doesn’t have investments in Ukraine.

“The sovereign is in a position where it shouldn’t necessarily default on its debt,” Kevin Daly, who manages about $4 billion in emerging-market bonds
at Aberdeen Asset Management in London, said in an interview on Bloomberg Television yesterday. “It clearly looks like it will continue to devalue.”

NOTE: To contact the reporters on this story: Michael Patterson in London at mpatterson10@bloomberg.net; Laura Cochrane in London at
lcochrane3@bloomberg.net. LINK: http://www.bloomberg.com:80/apps/news?pid=20601083&sid=aKk9xKdL10ts
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7.  UKRAINE STRATEGY UPDATE: CURRENCY FALLS TO A NEW LOW

 
By Timothy Ash, Head of CEEMEA research, Royal Bank of Scotland
London, United Kingdom, Thursday, December 18 2008

LONDON- The UAH remains under the cosh this morning, pushing to a new low of UAH9.5:US$1; the currency has now lost half its value since the summer. It also sets a gloomy backdrop for other “commodity” currencies in the region, including the rouble and the tenge.

President Viktor Yushchenko met with the governor of the NBU, Volodymyr Stelmakh, and the finance minister, Viktor Pynzenyk, at the airport in emergency session this morning: No they were not all getting the first flight out of town, albeit they may well have been tempted.

The NBU has announced a series of measures which it aims hopes will stabilise the situation including a hike in its refinancing rate to 12%, and offering to hold regular FX auctions, to sell US$ at UAH8.95 today and UAH8.7 tomorrow. The NBU also suggested that it plans to limit UAH liquidity to stem the flight into UAH. We doubt that the NBU’s rate hike will end there.

 
Yushchenko is also threatening to withdraw the licenses of banks that have undertaken gross violations and “currency speculation”. Eighteen banks are being investigated: note that similar pressure has been exerted on banks in both Russia and Romania lately, and reflect old habits of administered means of controlling the situation.

All this will just heap more pressure on banks, which are evidently seeing hefty outflows from their deposit base, in additional to the sizeable outflows reported by the NBU in the period to October (over 9% loss in UAH deposits in October alone). Banks will need recapitalising which overall will boost the cost of any bank bailout.

The NBU’s attempts to control the rate of depreciation of the UAH have evidently not been helped by Naftogaz’s need to cover outstanding external
liabilities to Russia; the company confirmed today that it has transferred US$800m to Russia to cover gas payments.

 
Gazprom is claiming that Ukraine will not now pay for gas delivered in November and December, and has suggested that it is unable to make direct deals with Ukraine; in effect Russia is saying that it still wants to work with intermediaries (e.g. RosUkrEnergo), its preferred option.

Yushchenko appears to be trying to take a leading role in managing the current crisis, which reflects the presidential control over the NBU, with
the governor being appointed by the president. Yushchenko has threatened personnel changes at the NBU in recent weeks, apparently aimed at Stelmakh.

 
At times like these though coordination between the central bank and the government needs to be strong, and Yushchenko has not helped matters by
threatening to re-ignite a political scrap within his own party, and with BYuT, by calling for the dismissal of those members of his own party who voted to back the coalition with Yulia Tymoshenko.

Not sure what the IMF can do from herein on in, given they already came up trumps with a new US$16.5 billion stand-by arrangement only a month or so
ago. This just goes to show that securing an IMF programme in itself is not a guarantee that a country can quickly emerge from crisis, remember Russia
in 1998, which went into a default-cum-devaluation just one month after securing a big ticket IMF programme.

Also not sure that the UAH’s demise changes the big picture story on Ukraine that much though. The currency correction will surely massively cut the
current account deficit, albeit the economy will suffer a huge contraction in 2009. The sovereign’s external liabilities falling due next year are
still modest, and should still be covered given the level of FX reserves.

 
Many corporates/banks will need to restructure some of the US$35-40bn in debt which falls due next year. Foreign banks will be asked sooner, rather than later to stump up more cash to recapitalise their local operations in Ukraine, given the likely extent of reserve draw-down underway. We assume still that they will roll the debts of their local subsidiaries in Ukraine.

NOTE FROM AUR: This material is for information only. It is not an offering document and its terms are qualified in their entirety by the final transaction documents in respect of the securities described therein. Certain transactions mentioned may give rise to substantial risks and may not be suitable for all investors.

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8.  ECONOMIC MELTDOWN PROMPTS PROTEST IN UKRAINE

 
The Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Thursday, December 18, 2008

KIEV, Ukraine: The currency has lost half of its value, tens of thousands face layoffs, residents in the capital are bundling up in winter clothes as the heat sporadically goes out and Russia is threatening to cut off gas supplies. It’s going to be a tough winter in Ukraine.

“I could understand if this were a village, but for the capital of a European country not to have heating, water and gas — how can this be?” asked Tamara Osipova, one of about 1,000 angry protesters outside the Kiev mayor’s office on Thursday.
This ex-Soviet republic has been one of hardest hit by the global financial crisis. Expert warn that the discontent visible Thursday could turn into mass opposition to a government paralyzed by political infighting. “This is all going to boil over next year,” political analyst Ivan Lozowy said. “Desperate people are capable of desperate actions.”
 
After years of robust economic growth, Ukraine has sunk into a deep recession, pressured by a drastic fall in the exports of steel, the core of the economy. A lack of confidence in the banking system, coupled with constant political turmoil under President Viktor Yushchenko has spurred a sharp devaluation in the national currency.
The hryvna has lost a half its value since the global credit crunch hit in September, and closed at trading 9.8 to the dollar Thursday, down from 4.9 in September.
Valentyna Ivanova, a 68-year-old retired engineer, said she could not survive on 700 hryvna a month — half of which she will spend on utilities after fees were raised. “When I come home I should eat something, shouldn’t I? And how will I buy food?” she asked at the protest.
Yushchenko has forecast the economy will contract up to 10 percent by the first three months of 2009.
Many Ukrainians also borrowed dollars to buy apartments and cars. Yushchenko’s economic adviser, Valentyn Zhukovsky, predicted that up to 60 percent of them may default. That will prompt some banks to confiscate property, while others may go bankrupt, experts say.
Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko has accused the central bank of speculating on the hryvna and pocketing profits and demanded the bank’s head be fired.
Tens of thousands of workers, meanwhile, face layoffs at steel mills and other industries. Industrial output shrank nearly to 30 percent in November, from a year earlier, the sharpest drop in a decade.
A recent nationwide poll of 2,000 people found that 16 percent of respondents were ready to take to the streets if life doesn’t improve. The study by Gorshenin’s Kiev Management Problems Institute had a margin of error of 2.2 percentage points. Adding to the tensions are Russia’s threats to cut off natural gas supplies next year if a $2 billion debt isn’t paid by Jan. 1.
Ukraine has a fraught history with mass protests. The 2004 election that catapulted Yushchenko to the presidency saw hundreds of thousands take to the streets to protest electoral fraud in what came to be known as the Orange Revolution.
But unlike those mainly peaceful protests, experts say, the current mood is gloomier and actions could get violent. Many Ukrainians feel betrayed and blame authorities for aggravating the crisis by their infighting and corruption.
The anger is palpable on Kiev’s snow-covered streets, where activists have been rallying for weeks. Last week, several districts saw hot water and heating cut off or disrupted, bringing back memories of the bleak post-Soviet years.
Kiev Mayor Leonid Chernovetsky and his longtime foe Tymoshenko have blamed each other for the funding shortages that triggered the disruptions.
Osipova, a 69-year-old retired music teacher who survives on a 800-hryvna monthly pension, has little use for any politicians. “They are all bandits,” she said.
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9.  UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER DEMANDS CHIEF BANKER’S DISMISSAL OVER CURRENCY CRISIS 

 
UT1, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian 1410 gmt 18 Dec 08
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thursday, December 18, 2008 

KYIV – Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko has accused the leadership of the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) of staging the collapse of the national currency hryvnya to benefit businessmen close to the presidential staff.

Speaking during a briefing broadcast live by Ukraine’s state-owned UT1 television on 18 December, she said that selected banks were making fortunes, using large monetary assistance from the central bank to buy up dollars, fuelling demand for foreign currency and bringing the hryvnya’s rate down.
“A handful of people under the protection of the president, the National Bank governor and artificial banks set up specifically for the purpose, are making fortunes worth billions,” Tymoshenko said.
“What is happening at the National Bank today is a banal crime, which should entail criminal cases,” Tymoshenko said, vowing to pass the material in her possession to prosecutors, to the parliamentary ad-hoc investigative commission and to international money-laundering watchdogs.
Tymoshenko said the plunge of the hryvnya (from 5 to 10 hryvnyas per dollar) was a result of large-scale speculation and had no economic footing: “The rate of the hryvnya demonstrated by the National Bank today has no economic reasons whatsoever behind it. None whatsoever. The maximum possible rate amid the crisis is 6.57, according to government estimates.”
DEMAND FOR CHIEF BANKER’S DISMISSAL 
Tymoshenko demanded the dismissal of the NBU governor, Volodymyr Stelmakh, saying President Viktor Yushchenko was the only person who could initiate it in accordance with the constitution.
“The president bears full responsibility for the activities of the governor of the National Bank and for the activities of the National Bank and, beyond a shadow of doubt, is able to influence, via personnel decisions, everything that happens in the National Bank. No-one but the president is capable of doing that,” she said.
She demanded that Yushchenko submit a request for parliament to sack Stelmakh: “I would like to appeal to the president of Ukraine to stop covering things up, to stop earning on such things and to draw a line under this. I also demand that the president should urgently submit a request for the dismissal of the head of the National Bank and should oust the whole board from the National Bank.”
She called on Stelmakh to put a stop to currency speculation, warning of the dire consequences of the sharp depreciation of the hryvnya. “The Ukrainian budget has become hostage to these large-scale speculative operations. It cannot be planned for next year because the hryvnya’s rate at 10 hryvnyas per dollar in essence makes it impossible to sell natural gas, which we import, on the domestic market, because the gas price cannot double.
 
“It makes it impossible to buy nuclear fuel. It makes it impossible to buy medicines for people, practically all of which are being imported. It makes it impossible for people to repay their foreign-currency loans, which they have taken out for their consumer needs, some with their flats as collateral,” Tymoshenko said.
“I would like the president and his team, if it could be called that, the National Bank governor, (presidential secretariat head Viktor) Baloha, the deputy head of the National Bank, Mr (Anatoliy) Shapovalov, who sits on all those operations, to finally stop and think about this country. I know what they are after today. They want, first, to create a situation where the worse it is the better, to make life impossible for the government and to the country, as a result, making a good profit in the process. I stand radically against such behaviour,” she said.
Tymoshenko warned she will resort to radical steps if the president fails to act on her demand for Stelmakh’s sacking: “Both the government and I personally as prime minister, as well as the faction representing our political force in parliament, will take rather radical steps against this situation.
 
“If the president fails to request the dismissal of the National Bank governor, I am convinced that we will raise this issue in the Supreme Council, we will ask the Prosecutor-General’s Office to report on these areas, and I say it once again, we will bring all the shady deals being pulled off in the National Bank of Ukraine under the president’s full protection to the attention of the global bank community.”
“I hope that the YTB (Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc) faction in the Supreme Council won’t allow any issues to be considered in the Supreme Council until the governor of the National Bank delivers a report and until the president requests the dismissal of the National Bank governor. From this moment all the compromises are over and we will act in an absolutely legal, open and public way.”
Tymoshenko expressed indignation at alleged threats from the National Bank to deprive the government of any funds at all if she went ahead with her criticism of the bank governors.
ATTACK ON TYCOON FIRTASH 
Tymoshenko spoke at length on what she described as large-scale speculative operations by commercial banks under the cover of the presidential secretariat. She launched a particularly scathing attack on the co-owner of the Swiss-registered gas intermediary RosUkrEnergo, Dmytro Firtash, and the Nadra bank, which his financial group recently purchased.
“All the refinancing, in essence, the redistribution of all the 40bn hryvnyas among Ukraine’s commercial banks, happened in such a way that the main financial flows were focused on individual banks which were part of a system of large-scale speculative operations with the hryvnya rate. I could name several banks, but I would like to dwell on just one. The thing is that the 40bn hryvnyas, or to be more exact 40,275m, was meant to support, among other things, the real sector of the economy.
 
“But nearly one-fifth of the money was channelled to a bankrupt bank, which was bought for peanuts; 7.1bn hryvnyas was channelled to the Nadra bank, where the money was accumulated and then, at the rate of the National Bank, which was always 1-1.5 hryvnyas lower than the market rate, that bank was buying up foreign currency.
 
“There are several more banks involved in the same operations. In effect, a bank that was bought for approximately 60m dollars, got financial resources issued by the Nati! onal Bank to an amount of 7.1bn. This is a scandal for the bank system. This is a scandal for the National Bank,” Tymoshenko said.
“In order for banks like Nadra, behind which is the notorious Mr Firtash, who is also behind RosUkrEnergo, which has ruined this country’s gas market – in order for them to make as much money as possible, it is now necessary to collapse the rate of the dollar. So such special banks as Nadra, among others, are now keeping almost 1bn dollars, waiting for the time when the hryvnya collapses and becomes the cheapest possible.
 
“As soon as the hryvnya hits bottom, such banks will pour their foreign currency onto the market and will buy hryvnyas. A strengthening of the hryvnya is planned then, after they have bought up dollars. One such operation by Nadra bank alone, behind which is the presidential administration as well, by the way, will fetch half a billion dollars. These are frightful operations, and these profits are in effect made on Ukraine’s sorrow and crisis.”
Tymoshenko said that she had heard from bankers that “the kickbacks” allegedly received for refinancing assistance from the central bank ranged between 3 and 7 per cent.
She said she would not tolerate any more currency speculation: “I would like to ask the Audit Chamber and the prosecutor-general to urgently check everything that is going on in the Nadra bank and the other banks listed on this sheet, which are speculatively ruining the hryvnya’s rate. Not a single country would tolerate this.
 
“Unfortunately, in Ukraine both politicians and people and the bank system for some reason intend to put up with this. I won’t tolerate this as prime minister. One month is enough to reach an understanding and wind up all these shady deals.” Tymoshenko gave assurances that the government would find ways with the present currency and economic crisis.
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10.  CHIEF BANKER ACCUSES UKRAINIAN PM OF SHIFTING BLAME FOR ECONOMIC CRISIS

 
Inter TV, Kiev, Ukraine, in Russian 1800 gmt 18 Dec 08 
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, In English, Thursday, December 18, 2008  

KYIV – [Presenter] Volodymyr Stelmakh [governor of the National Bank of Ukraine, NBU] has rejected all accusations from [Prime Minister] Yuliya Tymoshenko [who today accused Stelmakh of aiding and abetting currency speculation, which saw the rate of the dollar increase from five to 10 hryvnyas over a few weeks].

 
He believes that the Cabinet of Ministers is trying to shift the blame for this crisis in the Ukrainian economy onto the bank system. The NBU board asks all officials, politicians and journalists to be maximally responsible about spreading untrue information, which provokes panic among the population. The board recalls that this is punishable under criminal law.
[Stelmakh, in Ukrainian] I could cite the example that right after that statement the rate of the dollar increased, that is, the currency’s value halved. Now they are talking about rates of 14 or more hryvnyas per dollar. A very difficult situation has now taken shape in the Ukrainian economy. The incompetent performance of the government in managing the economy has led to the situation that as early as this December this country may find itself facing internal default.
 
At the present time the government has no funds to pay salaries, pensions, social allowances, or to honour external and internal obligations. The board of the NBU is alarmed by the present-day situation where the prime minister has overstepped the line that no one had ever overstepped before. It is an especially cynical fact that ordinary people may become a weapon in the hands of the government in its political wars. It is they who bear the brunt of the destabilization of the bank system.
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U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC) www.usubc.org.
Promoting U.S.-Ukraine business & investment relations since 1995. 
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11.  UKRAINE’S ECONOMY CAN START GROWING AGAIN NO EARLIER THAN IN 2010
 
Interfax, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, December 16, 2008

KYIV – Ukraine’s economic growth could restart no earlier than 2010,according to experts from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank.
According to a press release of Kyiv-based Dragon Capital Investment Company, which refers to the participants of a phone conference organized by
the company, IMF and World Bank experts are considering two scenarios of development for the macro-economic situation in Ukraine.

According to the IMF forecast that was taken as the basis for its credit program for Ukraine,the development of the global recession in 2009 will cause a considerable worsening of trade conditions for Ukraine and a further cut in the share of loans in the private sector of the country.

“The fund expects a 3% fall in real GDP next year,mainly, due to the worsening of exports. Inflation will fall slightly due to the rise in the price of imported gas and the weakening of the hryvnia,” reads the release, citing IMF Mission Head Ceyla Pazarbasioglu.

The fund’s experts said that by late 2009,inflation will fall to 17% from the 25% expected in late 2008. In addition,the deficit of the current account of the country will considerably decline next year,partially due to the adaptation of the economy to new conditions. They said that the worsening in indicators of the financial account would be a restricting factor for the balance of the current account.

IMF does not rule out that the situation with the international economy will improve in Q2,2009 and in 2010 the global economy and the Ukrainian economy may show growth.

“Starting from 2011,the pace of growth in the Ukrainian economy may return to its potential level of 5.5-6%,and inflation will fall to 5-7%. A decline
in the pace of inflation will be a key conditions for provision of the real weakening of the hryvnia,” the fund experts said.

They also did not rule out that in 2010 the deficit of the current account would be small,partially due to the weakness of the economy and the restricted foreign financing,and will be moderate later,which would allow the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) to boost reserves in this period.

“The fund’s program plays a very important role in the Ukrainian economy,although other international finance organizations should apply a lot of efforts [as well]. I’m glad to say that they’re doing this,in particular,the Word Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). In addition,the private sector should play an important role,that is companies and banks,” reads the release, citing IMF Permanent Representative in Ukraine.

 
He said that IMF representative during meetings with representatives of the Ukrainian private sector received encouraging news on the readiness of the
foreign financial institutions that own Ukrainian banks to prolong the commitments of their daughter structures that are to be fulfilled in 2009.
Pazarbasioglu said that Ukrainian authorities are ready to actively cooperate with the IMF.

The World Bank lead economist for Ukraine Martin Raiser said that the bank shares the IMF’s views on the macro-economic situation in Ukraine. “We have own independent macro-economic model,but I’m glad to say that we have very similar forecasts on the scenarios of development in Ukraine to those of the IMF,” he said.

He said that the key task of the World Bank in Ukraine is provision of financial aid to the budget if there is a rise in the cost of borrowing on the global and domestic capital markets,as funds will be needed to refinance payments on the foreign debts of the Ukrainian government.
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12.  WEBSITE PUBLISHES UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT’S REPORT ON ECONOMIC SITUATION
“Crisis Through the Eyes of Bankova, Classified Materials”

Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian 15 Dec 08
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, December 15, 2008

KYIV – A Ukrainian website has published an unattributed report which quotes President Viktor Yushchenko’s report on the economic situation in Ukraine.

According to the website, the report was prepared by the presidential secretariat for Yushchenko’s 11 December meeting with the parliamentary faction of the Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defence bloc which took place behind closed doors. The report predicts that Ukraine will soon deplete its gold and currency reserves, which will lead to the country’s default in 2009.

The following is the text of the report entitled “Crisis through the eyes of Bankova. Classified materials”, posted on the news and analysis Ukrayinska
Pravda website on 15 December; subheadings have been inserted editorially:

President’s office believes economy to get much worse soon Our editorial board has obtained [President] Viktor Yushchenko’s presentation for Our Ukraine – People’s Self-Defence [propresidential faction OUPSD]. Statements that the Ukrainian economy really has been affected by the crisis are not an invention of politicians. In the near future the economy will face an even deeper recession than the one for which Ukrainians had been prepared by the government.

Ekonomichna Pravda’s editorial board has obtained Viktor Yushchenko’s presentation, which he gave to the OUPSD faction during a meeting on
Thursday, 11 December. Statements that Ukrainian economy has been actully affected by the crisis are not an invention of politicians.

According to economists from the [presidential] secretariat, in the near future the economy will face an even deeper recession than the one for which
Ukrainians had been prepared by the government.  First, the head of state presented the figures which have been on everybody’s lips not for some time
now.

Decline began in August, with industry suffering most
According to the president, the real decline in the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) began in August. Aggregate production in September saw a
decline from 10.9 per cent (August on August 2007) to 5.5 per cent (compared to September 2007). In October, for the first time since 2000, the State
Statistics Committee registered a 2.1-per-cent fall in GDP compared with the same month in the previous year.

By way of comparison, it saw a rise of 2.2 per cent in October 2005, which was the worst year of the recent period. Indices in 2006 and 2007 were 9 per
cent and 7 per cent.

Industry was affected most of all. It moved into the “red” back in August: the decline was 0.5 per cent. It equaled already 4.5 per cent in September
and dropped to 19.8 per cent in October. This is exactly why industry was the first to announce large-scale redundancies and review of employees
salaries.You can read about the current situation at the country’s largest enterprises in the series of materials called “Oligarchs during the crisis”
on Ekonomichna Pravda.

It is not difficult to guess that the decline will continue. According to the president’s forecasts, real GDP will decline in the first quarter from 7 per cent to 10 per cent. Obviously, GDP in monetary equivalent can even not drop, but rise as a result of inflation. But this is no consolation. Prices are growing and the physical volume of goods and services produced is already much lower.

Unfortunately, these forecasts seem to be more realistic than those announced by the government: 2 per cent in annual terms.

Budget will continue to suffer revenue shortfall which began in November

According to president’s economists, planned revenues of the state budget’s general fund will also be exceeded by the end of the year, anyway. Despite the shortfall of almost 7bn hryvnyas [as of 16 December the official exchange rate was 7.6538 hryvnyas per US dollar], the budget will be exceeded by 10.68bn hryvnyas by the end of the year due to the revenues of the first 10 months.

According to Viktor Yushchenko’s estimates, the “shortfall” was 2.1bn hryvnyas in November and will reach 4.9bn hryvnyas in December. There is likely to be another figure in the red due to revenues of the special budgetary fund.

The revenues brought in by the customs service has seen a drastic fall. Of course, it has already exceeded the annual plan for collecting money by 11.3
per cent in the first months of the current year, when people actively purchased cars and imported goods, and gas and oil products were delivered to Ukraine. But this phenomenon was very unhealthy: a country cannot live at the expense of the customs service.

With tax revenues falling, budget cuts will have to be made

This unreasonable “distortion” has already disappeared, but it is not overlaid by revenues collected by the tax authorities: as of 8 December, the
shortfall in the tax collection plan was 8.6 per cent.

Imports, export prices and the country’s economic turnover have all fallen and sums collected in VAT have fallen. One can completely forget about corporate tax for the next two years. Therefore, despite the possible optimism of the 2009 budget, it will be most likely necessary to sequester it – to cut.

Yushchenko forecasts the growth of the budget at the level of 29.4bn hryvnyas instead of the planned 17.9bn due to the “whole” that appeared in
the State Pension Fund.

There are many people who will receive smaller budget allocations even this year. As of the end of November, the negative balance of the state budget
stood at 17.9bn hryvnyas. There are no funds to cover this deficit: the National Bank cannot endlessly buy Finance Ministry’s bonds. There is no
privatization this year, just like there probably will be no privatization next year. Therefore, the only way of balancing revenue and expenditure is
by sequestering the budget as early as this year.

There is one more incentive for not spending budget funds: they will be necessary for “filling in gaps” in the Pension Fund. As of the end of
November it was in the “red” by the tune of 15.8bn hryvnyas. But the Pension Fund gets a share of its funds from the state, and so the real “shortfall”
comes to 29.4bn. This gap is unlikely to be reduced in 2009.

Budgeting spending rising as local budgets struggle to fill coffers
But, according to Ekonomichna Pravda’s sources, absolutely conflicting things are taking place at the present time. Everything is being done to spend as much budgetary funds as possible: in particular, the state procurement procedure has been drastically simplified: there is no need now to hold tenders.

Apart from the state budget, local ones have been substantially affected by the crisis. While the average number of unfulfilled budgets used to be not
much more than 50, the number of unfulfilled local budgets could reach 598 out of 691, or see an 85.1-per-cent growth by the end of this year.

The secretariat forecasts an even more misbalanced budget in early 2009. Secured items of expenses alone come to 41.7bn dollars in the first quarter,
while the level of forecast revenues is 36.2bn. So, even without taking unsecured items of budget into account, the deficit will come to at least 21bn hryvnyas.

Therefore, there is a great problem of a double deficit, even if the funds are spent for secured items only, or to put it conveniently, for “social
purposes”. Any support for the economy is even out of the question.

IMF loan too small to cover deficit, but other sources very limited
The total forecast level of the shortfall in state funds is at the level of at least 82.5bn hryvnyas. According to the new dollar rate, this is just over 10bn dollars: this means that only two thirds of the IMF loan will be enough to cover it. Where should funding for these gaps come from? There are only three sources.
 
[1] The first one is privatization. This issue is a very “delicate” one, as all investors will understand that Ukraine faces a shortage of funds. In view of these conditions, no-one will pay a higher price for the Odessa Port Plant or [telecommunications company] Ukrtelekom. Therefore, it is better to sell nothing at all.
 
[2] The second source is borrowing. But no-one will grant more external borrowing than have already been granted. No-one will grant domestic ones either because the banks buying domestic bonds in a banal manner have no money.

[3] Thus, a third source remains: emissions by the NBU [National Bank of Ukraine]. This is banned by legislation, indeed, but there is an easy scheme
for avoiding bans.

To be completely honest, the only source remaining if those three are not used is tightening of belts and the budget not supporting any individuals except for the ordinary population. But this is impossible, as government officials only wish to steal and also to provide funding for purchasing electricity, heat, water and consequently, people’s labour as well. So, it is necessary to seek funds.

Country’s reserves could vanish in 2009
The work of the president’s economists also tackled the issue of the national currency’s devaluation. The hryvnya is among world leaders in this respect. According to this parameter, Ukraine is ahead of countries “more affected by the crisis” like Chile and Indonesia.

Any strengthening of the hryvnya’s exchange rate in such conditions is out of the question. The president’s forecast: the National Bank’s reserves will shrink before one’s very eyes every month. According to the scenario of the head of state, reserves could vanish as such in 2009.

It could be so if all planned debt obligations are returned, and namely, 16.8bn dollars of bank debts, 3.1bn of state debts and 9.8bn of debt those belonging to enterprises and individuals.

The most negative scenario admits that the reserves will be retained above the margin approved in accordance with the memorandum with the IMF: around
30bn dollars will remain as of the end of 2008. But if the loan from the fund is not taken into account, reserves will come to almost 17bn dollars in the “red” as of the end of December 2009. In this case, the NBU’s own hard currency will end in July. The IMF loan of exactly 16.8bn will help to further maintain the zero level. This is the origin of this figure.

Devaluation, default and bankruptcy possible
This means that hopes to spend the IMF money for funding the state’s budget deficit will be buried. But this is also the burial of National Bank’s stories about the appreciation of the hryvnya. According to economic classics, the NBU will have to drastically devalue the national currency as early as in spring.

This will inevitably cause a default of external liabilities, along with the bankruptcy of many banks and enterprises. But this will be the price of
retaining reserves and further price stability in the country.

Obviously, all of this will happen in the worst case scenario: when everyone rushes to get back debts. But judging from the president’s slides, it is realistic. Of course, the state and business will try to restructure debts so as to reduce the outflow of currency. This will mean the mass default of Ukrainian companies and banks.

But there are no doubts that absolutely everyone will be unable to do this. So, a fall in NBU reserves, and quite a substantial one, will take place
anyway. And this will mean greater demand for dollars throughout the whole year. In such conditions the rate will not appreciate.

Pessimistic scenario caused partly by lack of decisive steps
According to the pessimistic scenario of events, Ukraine will face huge state budget and Pension Fund deficits in 2009. The National Bank is also very likely to spend its currency reserves and the funds borrowed from the IMF, and the hryvnya will experience substantial devaluation.

This scenario is not fantastic, but quite realistic. The government and parliament have not taken decisive steps to resolve the major economic problems and have not yet indicated the sources of filling the budget with money.

Therefore, Ukraine is approaching 2009 in an uncertain state and the prospect of total collapse. Of course, reality will to some extent be milder, but at the present time it is hard to say to exactly what extent.

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13.  IMF APPROVES US$16.4 BILLION STAND-BY ARRANGEMENT FOR UKRAINE 

IMF Press Release No. 08/271, Washington, D.C. Wed, November 5, 2008
 
WASHINGTON, D.C. – The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) today approved a two-year Stand-By Arrangement (SBA) for SDR 11 billion (about US$16.4 billion) to help the authorities restore financial and economic stability and strengthen confidence.
 
The SBA request entails exceptional access to IMF resources equivalent to 802 percent of Ukraine’s quota in the Fund, and was approved under the Fund’s fast-track Emergency Financing Mechanism. Today’s approval enables the immediate disbursement of SDR 3 billion (about US$4.5 billion).
The authorities’ program is designed to help stabilize the domestic financial system against a backdrop of global deleveraging and a domestic crisis of confidence, and to facilitate adjustment of the economy to a large terms-of-trade shock. The authorities’ plan incorporates monetary and exchange rate policy shifts, banking recapitalization, and fiscal and incomes policy adjustments.
Following the Executive Board discussion, Mr. Murilo Portugal, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, issued the following statement:
“The Ukrainian economy, especially the banking system, is experiencing considerable stress. Falling prices for Ukraine’s major export, steel, have led to a substantial deterioration in Ukraine’s current account outlook.
 
“This terms-of-trade shock, along with existing vulnerabilities—high inflation, relatively low foreign exchange reserves compared with short-term external debt, significant exposure of banks to foreign funding, balance sheet mismatches, and a weak underlying fiscal position—interacted with the drying up of liquidity caused by the international financial crisis and led to a significant slowdown in capital inflows.
“The authorities’ program, supported by the two-year Stand-By Arrangement with the IMF, aims to restore financial and macroeconomic stability by adopting a flexible exchange rate regime with targeted intervention, a pre-emptive recapitalization of banks, and a prudent fiscal policy coupled with tighter monetary policy. Resolute implementation of the program should help reduce inflation to single digits by the end of the program.
“The flexible exchange rate regime, backed by an appropriate monetary policy and foreign exchange intervention, will help absorb external shocks and avoid disorderly exchange market developments. The recent unification of official and market exchange rates should increase clarity about the regime.
 
Recently imposed exchange controls will be phased out as confidence rebuilds. Plans to accelerate progress towards inflation targeting and enhance the independence of the National Bank of Ukraine are important to provide the nominal anchor under the flexible exchange rate regime over the medium term. In the near term, as liquidity pressures diminish, tighter monetary policy will be necessary to guard against inflation.
“A pre-emptive bank recapitalization will alleviate a potential credit crunch that could prolong and deepen the downturn in economic activity. Decisive measures that have been taken to allocate public funds to recapitalize banks and to facilitate bank resolution processes will ensure that problems can be dealt with promptly.
 
“Increased oversight, more targeted on- and off-site inspections, and improved cross-border supervisory cooperation will help to strengthen the financial system. A proactive strategy to resolve corporate and household debt problems will also be essential to reduce banking sector vulnerabilities.
“A prudent fiscal stance is planned, consistent with both the financing constraint and the need for recession-related social spending. The target of a balanced budget in 2009 will be kept under review in light of the macroeconomic, financing, and revenue outlooks.
 
“The targets would be achieved in part by expenditure restraint, and by a phased increase in energy tariffs. Ukraine’s extensive safety net provides a backstop to protect vulnerable groups, and the program also allows higher funding for unemployment insurance and targeted income support.
“The authorities have developed a strong and comprehensive package of measures to address the challenges Ukraine is facing and the Fund has provided commensurate financial assistance. Decisive measures have already been implemented by the authorities, including the passage of anti-crisis legislation.
 
Moreover, the authorities’ policy framework is sufficiently robust to adapt to evolving circumstances. The commitment of leaders of the main political parties to the core elements of the program increases the prospects for successful program implementation. All these elements give confidence that the program will succeed in stabilizing economic and financial conditions,” Mr. Portugal said.

ANNEX:

RECENT ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS 
Ukraine’s economy has grown very rapidly since 2000, expanding by more than 7 percent on average. Initially, this reflected the utilization of large excess capacity and increased productivity supported by a series of structural reforms. Since 2005, growth has been propelled by real domestic demand, namely a credit boom driven by strong capital inflows as well as incomes policies that redistributed large terms-of-trade gains to the population.
By mid-2008, the economy was overheating. Credit growth exceeded 70 percent, CPI inflation exceeded 30 percent, wage growth settled in the 30-40 percent range, a buoyant property market pushed valuations to high levels, and imports surged at an annual rate of 50-60 percent. The current account deficit reached 7 percent of GDP in the second quarter of 2008.
The Ukrainian economy also became vulnerable along other dimensions, including high short-term external debt relative to reserves, high exposure of banks to foreign funding, balance sheet mismatches, and a weak underlying fiscal position. Problems came to the fore as commodity prices plunged and the global financial turmoil deepened. These developments have had a considerable impact on the real sector as reflected in the sharp 5-percent contraction of the manufacturing sector in September.
At the same time, a sharp slowdown of external capital flows raised concerns about the ability of banks and corporates to roll over existing credit lines. When the sixth largest bank, Prominvest Bank, was put under receivership, a widespread deposit outflow began with at least US$3 billion—4 percent of deposits—withdrawn during the first three weeks of October.
 
Confidence in the country’s banking system and currency weakened. Intervention by the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) mounted in October, reducing reserves from US$38 billion to US$32 billion. In addition to providing liquidity, the authorities also imposed a set of exchange controls to stem outflows.
The combination of weaker demand from Ukraine’s trading partners, falling export prices, rising import prices, and reduced access to international financial markets are expected to weaken growth prospects. Taking these developments into account, Ukraine’s overall financing needs for the next two years are large.
PROGRAM SUMMARY 
The authorities’ program aims at restoring confidence in Ukraine’s macroeconomic and financial stability by addressing the financial sector problems, facilitating adjustment to potentially large external shocks, and reducing inflation. The program is designed to respond flexibly to economic developments.
The program is based on projections that assume a global recession and continued deleveraging in international credit markets in 2009, implying a recession in Ukraine with deteriorating exports, limited external financing and a credit crunch. The projected impact on output—a 3 percent decline—is consistent with Ukraine’s experience under similar circumstances in 2004-05.
 
Under the program, inflation is expected to decrease to 17 percent by end-2009 from the projected 25.5 percent this year. The current account would compress to a deficit level of about 2 percent of GDP from the mid-2008 level of 7 percent.
Assuming a global recovery in the second half of 2009, the Ukrainian economy could be back at its estimated potential growth rate of 5-6 percent by 2011 with inflation at 5-7 percent by late 2011.Current account deficits are projected to remain small in 2010, in light of the weak economy, and to be moderate thereafter, allowing reserves to rise.
The key measures to achieve the objectives of the program focus on the following areas:
 
MONETARY AND EXCHANGE RATE POLICY 
The program supports the implementation of a flexible exchange rate regime to help Ukraine better absorb the external shocks it now faces. Base money will be the near-term anchor for monetary policy until an inflation targeting regime can be implemented. The independence of the NBU will be strengthened, and in the near term, monetary policy will be tightened to help achieve the 2009 inflation objective of 17 percent.
 
The program envisages eliminating exchange rate controls as soon as possible, and measures to improve the operation of the foreign exchange market, including cancellation of the foreign exchange transactions tax and a more transparent intervention policy.
FINANCIAL SECTOR POLICY 
The authorities intend to prepare a comprehensive bank resolution strategy that will include the resolution of problem banks and the recapitalization of viable banks to cushion the real economy from a potential credit crunch. The authorities have already resolved the sixth largest bank, Prominvest Bank, through a sale to a strategic investor.
The program further proposes to ensure that viable banks have access to liquidity; increase deposit insurance coverage to Hrv150,000 (about €20,000) from the current Hrv50,000, which will cover 99 percent of individual accounts; and strengthen the monitoring of banks, including through enhanced cross-border supervisory cooperation.
FISCAL POLICY 
The authorities will adopt a prudent fiscal stance while accounting for the need for recession-related social expenditures, including higher funding for unemployment insurance and targeted income support. Under the program, the deficit would not exceed 1 percent of GDP in 2008, and in 2009, the general government budget would be balanced (excluding bank recapitalization costs).
 
Even with the substantial increase of 0.8 percent of GDP social spending during the recession, these fiscal targets are deemed attainable. However, given the uncertainties on economic prospects and the availability of financing, the authorities are prepared to adjust the targets as needed.
 
To achieve their fiscal targets, the authorities are determined to correct the pricing policies in the energy sector and pursue a more balanced incomes policy by adjusting the minimum wage, pension, and social transfer increases in line with the projected inflation in 2009. These measures will help guard against higher inflation and depreciation.
 
Ukraine has an adequate social safety net in place to protect the vulnerable against adjustment policies, which the authorities are prepared to expand should the need arise. Ukraine joined the IMF as a member on September 3, 1992. Its quota is SDR 1,372 million (about US$2,049 million).
 
LINK: http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2008/pr08271.htm
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14.  HARD TIMES FOR UKRAINIAN BANKS, CENTRAL BANK CHAIRMAN UNDER FIRE

Ukrainian banking sector hit hard by financial crisis
 
Commentary & Analysis: By Pavel Korduban, Eurasia Daily Monitor, Vol 5, Issue 240
The Jamestown Foundation, Wash, D.C. Wed, December 17, 2008 

Ukraine’s banking system is teetering on the brink of disaster. The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) $16.4-billion loan (see EDM, November 12) has probably come too late either to restore trust in banks or to prevent the national currency, the hryvnya, from a free fall.

 
Most banks are in serious trouble, and several may soon change hands or collapse. Meanwhile, the chair is shaky under Volodymyr Stelmakh, the chairman of the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU, Ukraine’s central bank).

Ukraine’s ailing banks have been using the funds they are receiving from the NBU to buy foreign currency with hryvnyas. The demand for Ukraine’s main export commodity, metals, has fallen dramatically on the world market, so less hard currency is coming into Ukraine.

 
In addition, the Naftohaz Ukrainy national oil and gas company has been buying dollars on the domestic market in order to pay its debt to Russia (see EDM, December 3). All these factors have contributed to a 65 percent devaluation of the hryvnya against the dollar since August.

Ukraine has been among the countries worst hit by the global financial crisis. Key industries such as metallurgy and machine building are laying off workers, and real wages have started to fall for the first time in a decade. This makes it hard for Ukrainians to make payments on loans, many of which, especially mortgages, were issued in dollars.

 
Since most people are paid in hryvnyas, they have to buy dollars with the weak hryvnya and are paying back much more on the loans than they had expected. The share of problem loans in bank portfolios grew to 10.3 percent by December 11 and is continuing to grow (Kommersant-Ukraine, December 16).

Banks have all but stopped issuing loans, and their clients have hurried to withdraw deposits. In October the NBU introduced a moratorium on withdrawals ahead of schedule, which further undermined trust in banks.

 
Some 70 percent of Ukrainians would prefer to withdraw their deposits from banks, and 67.7 percent of them do not trust banks at all, according to a public opinion poll conducted across Ukraine at the end of November by the Kyiv-based Research and Branding Group (Ukrainski Novyny, December 8).

The Ukrainian version of a Russian business daily quoted a source at the NBU as forecasting that over 40 banks may soon collapse (Kommersant-Ukraine, December 16). Two banks, Nadra and Prominvestbank, have apparently been the hardest hit by the crisis.

Nadra reportedly borrowed more from the NBU than any other bank over the past few months (Zerkalo Nedeli, December 13). Although Nadra was taken over in November by RosUkrEnergo gas intermediary co-owner Dmytro Firtash (www.korrespondent.net, November 7), Nadra’s cash machines are empty most of the time, and it has stopped paying depositors money from their accounts.

 
Nadra, which is Ukraine’s seventh largest bank, is among the top five leaders of the mortgage loan market, which is a serious drawback in the current situation (Delo, December 15).

Ukraine’s sixth largest bank, Prominvestbank, was the first to admit to being in trouble. The NBU has been managing it and trying to find buyers for the bank since October 7. It was announced in early November that the Klyuyev brothers, businessmen and deputies from the Donetsk-based Party of Regions, had agreed to buy a controlling stake in Prominvestbank; but they apparently failed to come up with the necessary $120 million. Russian multibillionaire Alisher Usmanov, who had reportedly been interested in the bank, said he would not buy into it (Interfax-Ukraine, December 10).

The NBU reportedly offered stakes in Prominvestbank to the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Finance Corporation. A majority stake will most probably be nationalized (Ekonomicheskie Izvestia, December 12; Delo, December 16). The Ukrainian presidential office has urged Prominvestbank’s prompt nationalization, as the bank’s stabilization is one of the IMF’s main conditions (Interfax-Ukraine, December 16).

The new parliamentary coalition, established on December 16 by Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko’s bloc, the majority of President Viktor Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defense (NUNS), and the bloc of Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn, threatens to remove Stelmakh. On December 8 two NUNS deputies formed a parliamentary investigative commission to examine how the NBU managed its foreign exchange reserve (Zerkalo Nedeli, December 13).

 
Addressing the nation on TV a week ago, Tymoshenko blamed the NBU leadership for the situation on the currency market (Inter TV, December 10). Lytvyn is also in favor of replacing Stelmakh (UNIAN, December 13).

Stelmakh was deputy chairman when Yushchenko chaired the NBU in the 1990s, and the president is now his only supporter. Yushchenko met Lytvyn after his election as speaker on December 9 and warned him against being hasty in ousting Stelmakh, but even Yushchenko’s own trust in Stelmakh is waning.

 
On December 1 Yushchenko’s spokeswoman Iryna Vannykova warned that “the president will have to make difficult personnel decisions” if the NBU failed to stabilize the hryvnya (Zerkalo Nedeli, December 13). According to the Ukrainian constitution, even if the president decides to dismiss the NBU head, the final decision is up to parliament.   LINK: http://www.jamestown.org
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15.  UKRAINE’S VICTOR PINCHUK GAVE UP TO $5 MILLION TO BILL CLINTON’S FOUNDATION

 
Associated Press (AP), Washington, D.C., Thursday, December 18, 2008
  
WASHINGTON – Ukraine’s second-richest billionaire, Victor Pinchuk, gave up to $5 million to former U.S. President Bill Clinton’s foundation. Pinchuk, the son-in-law of former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma, is listed as among the major contributors to Clinton’s charitable foundation. Clinton spoke in 2007 at an annual meeting of Yalta European Strategy, a group Pinchuk founded to promote Ukraine joining the European Union.

Clinton laid out a list of big-ticket donors to his foundation Thursday that is heavy with foreign governments and business interests sure to have a stake in the policies that Hillary Rodham Clinton carries out as secretary of state.

Saudi Arabia and other foreign governments gave at least $46 million, while corporate donors included the Blackwater security firm that protects U.S. diplomats in Iraq.
The contributions went to the William J. Clinton Foundation, a nonprofit created by the former president to finance his library in Little Rock, Ark., and charitable efforts to reduce poverty and treat AIDS. President-elect Barack Obama made Hillary Clinton’s nomination as secretary of state contingent on her husband revealing the foundation’s contributors, to avoid questions about potential conflicts of interest.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia gave $10 million to $25 million to the foundation, and other government donors included Norway, Kuwait, Qatar, Brunei, Oman, Italy and Jamaica. The Dutch national lottery gave $5 million to $10 million.
The Blackwater Training Center donated $10,001 to $25,000. The State Department will have to decide next year whether to renew Blackwater Worldwide’s contract to protect U.S. diplomats in Iraq. Five Blackwater guards have been indicted by a U.S. grand jury on manslaughter and weapons charges stemming from a September 2007 firefight in Baghdad’s Nisoor Square in which 17 Iraqis died.
The foundation disclosed the names of its 205,000 donors on a Web site Thursday, ending a decade of resistance to identifying the sources of its money. While the list is loaded with international business leaders and billionaires, some 12,000 donors gave $10 or less.
Clinton agreed to release the information after concerns emerged that his extensive international fundraising and business deals could conflict with America’s interests if his wife became the nation’s top diplomat. The foundation has insisted for years that it was under no legal obligation to identify its contributors, contending that many expected confidentiality when they donated.
The list also underscores ties between the Clintons and India, a connection that could complicate diplomatic perceptions of whether Hillary Clinton can be a neutral broker between India and neighboring Pakistan in a region where Obama will face an early test of his foreign policy leadership. The former president did not release specific totals for each donor, providing only ranges of giving. Nor did he identify individual contributors’ occupations or countries of residence.
Donors gave Clinton’s foundation at least $492 million from its inception in 1997 through last year, according to the most recent figures available.
After negotiations with Obama’s transition team, Clinton promised to reveal the contributors, submit future foundation activities and paid speeches to an ethics review, step away from the day-to-day operation of his annual charitable conference and inform the State Department about new sources of income and speeches.
Representatives of the foundation, including CEO Bruce Lindsay and attorney Cheryl Mills, and aides to Hillary Clinton met privately Wednesday with staff of incoming Foreign Relations Committee Chairman John Kerry of Massachusetts and ranking Republican Dick Lugar of Indiana to discuss the foundation’s activities and review a memorandum of understanding drawn up by the Clinton and Obama teams.
The Foreign Relations Committee will hold hearings and vote on Hillary Clinton’s nomination before sending it to the full Senate. Shortly after Obama tapped Clinton, Lugar said he would support her, though he said there would still be “legitimate questions” raised about the former president’s extensive international involvement.
“I don’t know how, given all of our ethics standards now, anyone quite measures up to this — who has such cosmic ties,” Lugar said.
Some of the donors have extensive ties to Indian interests that could prove troubling to Pakistan. Tensions between the two nuclear nations are high since last month’s deadly terrorist attacks in Mumbai.
Amar Singh, a donor in the $1 million to $5 million category, is an Indian politician who played host to Bill Clinton on a visit to India in 2005 and met Hillary Clinton in New York in September to discuss an India-U.S. civil nuclear agreement.
Also in that giving category was Suzlon Energy Ltd. of Amsterdam, a leading supplier of wind turbines. Its chairman is Tulsi R. Tanti, one of India’s wealthiest executives. Tanti announced plans at Clinton’s Global Initiative meeting earlier this year for a $5 billion project to develop environmentally friendly power generation in India and China.
Two other Indian interests gave between $500,000 and $1 million each:
_The Confederation of Indian Industry, an industrial trade association.
_Dave Katragadda, an Indian capital manager with holdings in media and entertainment, technology, health care and financial services.
Other foreign governments also contributed heavily to the foundation.
_AUSAID, the Australian government’s overseas aid program, and COPRESIDA-Secretariado Tecnico, a Dominican Republic government agency formed to fight AIDS, each gave $10 million to $25 million.
_Norway gave $5 million to $10 million.
_Kuwait, Qatar, Brunei and Oman gave $1 million to $5 million each.
_The government of Jamaica and Italy’s Ministry for Environment and Territory each gave $50,000 to $100,000.
_The biggest donations — more than $25 million each — came from two donors.
They are the Children’s Investment Fund Foundation, a London-based philanthropic organization founded by hedge fund manager Chris Hohn and his wife Jamie Cooper-Hohn and dedicated to helping children, primarily in Africa and India; and UNITAID, an international drug purchasing organization formed by Brazil, France, Chile, Norway and Britain to help provide care for HIV-AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis patients in countries with high disease rates.
The foundation’s donor list includes numerous overseas business interests.
_Saudi businessman Nasser Al-Rashid gave $1 million to $5 million.
_Friends of Saudi Arabia and the Dubai Foundation each gave $1 million to $5 million, as did the Taiwan Economic and Cultural Office.
_The Swedish Postcode Lottery gave $500,000 to $1 million.
_China Overseas Real Estate Development and the U.S. Islamic World Conference each gave $250,000 to $500,000.
_The No. 4 person on the Forbes billionaire list, Lakshmi Mittal, the chief executive of international steel company ArcelorMittal, gave $1 million to $5 million. Mittal is a member of the Foreign Investment Council in Kazakhstan, Goldman Sachs’ board of directors and the World Economic Forum’s International Business Council, according to the biography on his corporate Web site.
Pinchuk, with an estimated net worth of more than $5 billion, is listed among $1 million to $5 million donors, including:
_Harold Snyder, director for Teva Pharmaceutical Industries, the largest drug company in Israel. His son, Jay T. Snyder, serves on the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, which oversees State Department activities, and served as a senior U.S. adviser to the United Nations, where he worked on international trade and poverty. Jay Snyder donated between $100,000 and $250,000 to the foundation.
_No. 97 on the Forbes billionaire list, Ethiopian-Saudi business tycoon Sheikh Mohammed H. Al-Amoudi.
_Issam Fares, a former deputy prime minister of Lebanon.
_Mala Gaonkar Haarman, a partner and managing director at the private investment partnership Lone Pine Capital.
_Lukas Lundin, chairman of oil, gas and mining businesses including Tanganyika Oil Company Ltd., an international oil and gas exploration and production company with interests in Syria, and Vostok Nafta Investment Ltd., an investment company that focuses on Russia and other former Soviet republics.
The top ranks of Clinton’s donor list include lots of longtime Democratic givers, including some notable for their staunch support of Israel.
_TV producer Haim Saban and his family foundation, who donated between $5 million and $10 million, splits his time between homes in Israel and California. “I’m a one-issue guy and my issue is Israel,” he told The New York Times in 2004.
_Slim-Fast diet foods tycoon S. Daniel Abraham, a donor of between $1 million and $5 million, has been a board member of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which promotes Israel’s interests before the U.S. government.
_The American Jewish Committee and the United Nations Foundation donated $100,000 to $250,000.
Clinton thanked his donors in a statement for being “steadfast partners in our work to impact the lives of so many around the world in measurable and meaningful ways.”
According to the memorandum negotiated by the foundation and top Obama advisers, Bill Clinton agreed to publish the names of all past and future contributors to his foundation during Hillary Clinton’s tenure as secretary of state.
The former president also agreed to step away from direct involvement in the Clinton Global Initiative, an annual charitable conference where businesses and many foreign governments pledge donations to help ameliorate AIDS, poverty and other social ills. He will continue serving as CGI’s founding chairman but will not solicit money or sponsorships.
 
The CGI will cease accepting foreign contributions and will not host events outside the United States. Clinton started raising money for his library before leaving the White House. Over the years, the Clintons repeatedly refused to identify all the foundation donors, and continued to do so during Hillary Clinton’s 2007-08 presidential campaign.
Names surfaced nonetheless. Several news organizations unearthed foreign-government donors, and in 2001, Bill Clinton gave a list of 150 top foundation donors to a House committee investigating his pardon of fugitive businessman Marc Rich, whose ex-wife, Denise Rich, gave the library foundation at least $450,000. 
On the Net: Clinton Foundation contributors: http://www.clintonfoundation.org/contributors
NOTE: Beth Fouhy reported from New York. Associated Press writers Ted Bridis, Jim Drinkard and David Pace in Washington contributed to this story.
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16.  RUSSIAN FEDERAL SECURITY SERVICE GENERAL DENIES HOLODOMOR 

Says Holodomor is a Ukrainian invention
By Conor Sweeney, Reuters, Moscow, Russia, Friday, Dec 19, 2008
 
MOSCOW – A Federal Security Service general on Thursday dismissed as an “invention” a 1930s famine that Ukraine has asked Russia to recognize as genocide after Kiev urged the Kremlin to join in commemorations for millions of dead.

The dispute over the Holodomor, or mass famine, of the 1930s, in which historians believe 7.5 million died, is one of many pitting the Kremlin against Kiev’s pro-Western leaders.

President Dmitry Medvedev stayed away from ceremonies to mark the 75th anniversary of the calamity last month and accused Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko of distorting history for political gain.

“The Holodomor is a Ukrainian invention,” General Vasily Khristoforov, head of the registration and archives department at the Federal Security Service, or FSB, told Interfax. “Ukraine is trying to prove that the 1930s famine was an act of genocide that the Stalinist leadership committed against Ukrainians.

“Archive documents show undeniably that there was no deliberate genocide against the Ukrainian people. We have not found a single directive that would have even hinted about deliberate genocide against the Ukrainian people.”

Researchers, Khristoforov told Interfax, had proven beyond all doubt that a famine in the late 1920s and 1930s did grip various southern Soviet regions.
“Yes, it did, but not only in Ukraine,” he said.

About a dozen countries have recognized the Holodomor, one of three famines to hit Ukraine last century, as genocide. Addressing a gathering last month at the opening of a monument to the famine, Yushchenko denied any suggestion Russia was to blame for the famine. But he called on Moscow to denounce Stalinism and join in commemorations for the dead.

Millions were left to starve in their homes throughout Ukraine as Soviet authorities trying to bring independent farmers to their knees imposed impossible harvest quotas and requisitioned grain and livestock. Soviet authorities denied for decades that the famine had even occurred.

 
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17.  CHICAGO UKRAINIANS CONCLUDE HOLODOMOR 75TH COMMEMORATION
WITH SOLEMN ECUMENICAL GRAND REQUIEM IN CITY CENTER
By Maria Kulczycky, Chicago, Illinois, Saturday, December 6, 2008
Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Washington, D.C., Friday, December 19, 2008
CHICAGO – Chicago’s legendary wind whipped brisk and cold as bundled groups formed in Washington Park, the historical site for public debate and eloquent discourse that faces Newberry Library, a storied genealogical research center.   People held on to flags, banners, signs and emblems as the wind bent and unfurled them.
 
For weeks, radio stations, leaflets, church bulletins, posters, email postings and other information channels had been inviting, encouraging, and exhorting Ukrainians all over the city and suburbs to come to the city center on Saturday morning, November 15, to join the procession down Chicago’s central avenues heading for Holy Name Cathedral, the seat of the vast Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago. 
 
The community had planned  a Solemn Ecumenical Requiem to mark the end of the its year-long commemoration of the 75th anniversary of the Ukrainian Genocide-Holodomor.
The Soviet-organized and meticulously executed genocide was launched to crush Ukrainian political aspirations and maintain the integrity of the Soviet Union, a strategy that has resonance in current events. 
 
Decades-long secrecy about the tragedy was enforced on victims and reinforced with a blockade on travel and a muzzling of the press, making it the largest unknown genocide of the 20th century.  The anniversary milestone was a link in an international campaign to bring attention to the horrific event and to acknowledge it as a genocide.
As yellow buses disgorged their occupants, many traveling from distant suburbs, the park filled.  Monitors nudged and shaped the crowd into groups by affiliation—parishes, youth groups, civic organizations, Ukrainian schools, the Ukrainian consular staff, and the general public of seniors, parents holding the hands of small children, families with strollers.  Uniforms and embroidery, as well as black ribbons, adorned many participants.
The procession stepped from the part and  into the wide street cordoned by police patrol cars.  It moved slowly along the route to the cathedral.  In the lead were young men and women in Ukrainian folk ensembles carrying a birch cross festooned in black ribbon.  Three thorn wreaths came next, then a 10-foot blue and yellow banner, followed by a coffin, draped in black with a large, stark lettering “10,000,000 VICTIMS.” 
A large group of clergy from Ukrainian Catholic and Orthodox parishes followed the coffin.  Then came Ukrainian and American flags carried by veterans.  The procession of orderly, somber participants stretched for city blocks as the park emptied. 
 
The mood grew exuberant  as the marchers looked forward and back and realized what had happened!  They saw friends, colleagues, and neighbors, but also at faces they didn’t recognize.  They were all united, making a statement with their large ranks, their number calling attention of passersby:  We ask the world to recognize our genocide, our national tragedy.
As the procession crossed State Street and moved to the stairs of the cathedral, the massive central doors stood closed, cold, forbidding.  Then the bells began to intone a rhythmic, grim chant, a funereal peal.  The procession stopped, stood for interminable minutes, buses and traffic piling up on either side.
Suddenly the great doors were flung open, and within, four hierarchs stood in full religious raiment, inviting the marchers inside.  The cross, wreaths, coffin, flags and clergy entered and proceeded down the main aisle as the marchers, 2,000 by some counts, silently streamed into the cavernous sanctuary.
Nestor Popowych, chairman of the 75th Anniversary Commemoration Committee, welcomed the assembled crowd and introduced Cardinal Francis George, Archbishop of Chicago, for whom Holy Name Cathedral is the home parish.  This was the first public event at the cathedral since a long renovation had kept the main sanctuary shut to services.
The cardinal came to the lectern and cited St. Paul, remarking on the ecumenical nature of the service.  He inveighed against all totalitarian regimes, particularly the communist terror that destroyed millions. Next, the new bishop of the Western Eparchy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Bishop Daniel (Zelinsky) addressed the crowd. 
 
An impassioned speaker, he quoted Shevchenko’s poem, “The Plague,” noting how it foreshadowed the horror and suffering of Holodomor of 1932-33.  His shout, “10 million!” rang out through the cathedral, to the 65-foot rafters.  “We have to teach our succeeding generations.  And we can never forget!” he charged.
Archbishop Alexandr (Bykovetz) of Detroit, a survivor of Holodomor, spoke in Ukrainian about the loss of future generations, both in numbers and in potential, “the Sheptytskys, Mazeppas, Vyhovskis, Petluras, and Bandery,” as well as the artists, musicians, writers, and other lights of the community that were extinguished before they could be born.
The hierachs returned to the altar and the requiem service began: lyrical, melodic incantations in the Kyivan style of the Panakhyda (requiem) sung by a choir collected from the best voices of the numerous Ukrainian Orthodox and Catholic parishes throughout the region. 
 
It was conducted by Dr. Vasyl Truchly, noted for his deep and comprehensive study and propagation of knowledge about Ukrainian liturgical music, assisted by Michael Holian, a conductor, musician and teacher.  The music resonated through the sanctuary, supported by the responses of the bishops and the 20 priests surrounding them, and melding the spirits of the assembled crowd.
Photographers, reporters, and cameramen from the local NBC and ABC affiliates and Ukrainian media wandered through the cathedral, capturing the uplifted faces, the rows of Holodomor survivors in the front pews, the youth organizations in uniforms, and the sleeping baby in a mother’s lap.
Bishop Richard (Seminack), head of the Western Ukrainian Catholic Eparchy and pastor of St. Nicholas Cathedral, concluded the service with a moving recollection of the ritual of baking bread that his grandmother practiced, “blessing and praying at each step, picking up a crumb that fell to the floor and kissing it,” he recalled.  Bread is holy to Ukrainians, and this bread, the basis of their diet, was taken away from them, he noted.  Their resulting starvation created a wound that hasn’t healed through succeeding generations.
Bishop Richard thanked all the participants who so massively participated in the solemn ceremony, concluding right at high noon. The crowd filed out, a little more noisily now.  All had been visibly inspired by an event that will rank among the most memorable and affirming expressions of a community message in the city’s history.

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18.  SITE OF FUTURE MONUMENT TO VICTIMS OF HOLODOMOR BLESSED IN WASHINGTON  
 
By Zoreslaw Bayduk, Voice of America, in Ukrainian, Washington, D.C.,  Tue, Dec 2, 2008 
English translation by Borys Potapenko, Detroit, Michigan, AUR, Wash, D.C., Dec 18, 2008
 
WASHINGTON, D.C. – A ceremony took place in Washington, D.C. to bless the site of the future monument to the victims of the Ukrainian Holodomor. Permission to erect the future monument was signed by President George Bush. Participating in the ceremony was the First Lady of Ukraine, Katerina Yushchenko.
 
The clergy of the Ukrainian Orthodox and Greek Catholic Churches blessed the site in the center of the American capital where the monument to the victims of the Ukrainian tragedy will stand.
 
The ceremony was the culmination of a host of programs and projects of the Ukrainian community to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Holodomor. The yet to be completed monument project began many years ago. The President of the UCCA, Tamara Gallo noted that the Ukrainian community has been working on this for over 15 years.
 
Efforts to secure permission to erect the Ukrainian monument in the center of the American capital were aided by Congressman Sandy Levin from the State of Michigan. He was the sponsor of the necessary resolution that was signed by President Bush: “We have gathered to tell the world that this blessed site will become a symbol not only for Ukrainians or Americans but for the whole world.”
 
The First Lady of Ukraine, Katerina Yushchenko, for whom the question of the Holodomor is personal, as her whole family suffered the tragedy, also thanked Levin, who is a long time close friend of the Ukrainian community:
 
“I am very grateful to all, who participated in this, especially Congressman Levin, as well as my gratitude goes out to the community for the many years of work to secure this beautiful site.”
 
Participating in the ceremony blessing the site for the future monument were Ukrainian and American diplomats, survivors of the Holodomor and those who came to Washington from various corners of America. Borys Potapenko came from Detroit: “Praise God that on this land in Washington, D.C. will stand a monument. Now, no professor will dispute that my family suffered, that the whole Ukrainian nation suffered.”
 
Soon a competition will be announced in Ukraine that will end with the government of Ukraine erecting in Washington, D.C. a monument that will remind the world about the little known tragedy.
 
LINK: http://www.voanews.com/ukrainian/2008-12-02-voa4.cfm
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19.  SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT OF LITHUANIA VALDAS ADAMKUS IN KYIV AT THE

INTERNATIONAL FORUM TO COMMEMORATE THE 75TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
HOLODOMOR OF 1932-1933 IN UKRAINE “MY PEOPLE WILL LIVE FOREVER”

Address by H. E. Valdus Adamkus, President of the Republic of Lithuania
International Forum to Commemorate the 75th Anniversary of the Holodomor, Kyiv, Ukraine
President of Lithuania Website, Vilnius, Lithuania, Saturday, November 22, 2008  
 
AUR EDITOR’S NOTE: Five heads of state spoke at the International Forum to Commemorate the 75th Anniversary of the Holodmor of 1932-1933 in Ukraine, “MY PEOPLE WILL LIVE FOR EVER” held in Kyiv on November 22, 2008. The Presidents of Ukraine, Poland, Georgia, Lithuania and Latvia all made presentations that were powerful, very strongly supported Ukraine and spoke out clearly and forcefully against the evils of totalitarian regimes, brutal Soviet policies, and the many Stalinist and Soviet crimes against humanity. Below you will find the speech by the President of Lithuania, Valdus Adamkus, who spent many years in the United States while the Soviets occupied his country, http://www.president.lt/family/biografija.
KYIV, UKRAINE – Mr. President,

Excellencies,

Dear People of Ukraine,

Today as we remember the suffering and the tragic fate of millions of people in Ukraine, we bear witness to the power of human and national memory. This memory does not allow to conceal, distort or forget the cruel actions and policies of totalitarian regimes and their crimes against humanity.

We will never forget the genocide that killed tens of millions of people in Europe and worldwide: the brutal Soviet policy that doomed hard working Ukrainians to famine seventy five years ago, and Communist repressions against the peaceful inhabitants of the Baltic States, Hungary, Poland, Kazakhstan, Afghanistan, Russia, and many other countries.

Historical truth always finds its way in defiance of hindrances and prohibitions. The Stalinist and Soviet crimes against humanity concealed for long decades are now well known and deplored by many nations.

In 2003, representatives from different parts of the world issued a joint declaration at the United Nations remembering the victims of the Holodomor. In 2005, the Seimas of Lithuania condemned the genocide in Ukraine.

 
Last year, UNESCO adopted a resolution on the Holodomor and its horrific consequences, and this year the European Parliament paid tribute to those who were starved to death by the Great Famine.

The people of Lithuania identify themselves with the people of Ukraine in their painful memories of Soviet totalitarian crimes. We too experienced Soviet repressions and brutality: mass deportations and the killing of innocent people that decimated one fourth of Lithuania’s population.

 
Next year we will commemorate the 70th anniversary of the shameful Nazi-Soviet deal: the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and its secret protocols.

After the two totalitarian regimes partitioned Europe, Lithuania – like many other European countries – was invaded and occupied.

 
However, despite long decades of deception and Soviet propaganda, the memory of the Lithuanian nation – passed on from generation to generation – had kept our love of freedom and spirit of independence alive throughout the entire period of occupation.
 
After long years of oppression we restored independence and made a free choice for Euro-Atlantic integration.

Today we strongly support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, the resolve of its people to build their future in the family of democratic nations.

 
Today we say with strong commitment: “Nobody can take away the right of an independent European state to choose its path of freedom and security.”

We are ready to share the historical memory of our nations with the world: the memory of Ukraine’s deep cultural roots in Europe, the sacred memory of Ukrainian freedom fighters, and the painful memory of Stalinist atrocities to suppress freedom and liberty. 

The contemplation and spread of historical truth is not directed against a specific nation or country. Saying the truth means identifying and condemning the crimes of totalitarian regimes.

 
Therefore, I believe that a time will come when nobody will ever attempt to deny the cruelties of the Soviet regime unleashed in Ukraine and claim that 25 thousand people were starved to death per day by a mismanaged economy or poor harvest.

The Nazi and Soviet-committed crimes against humanity, casting a long and deep shadow on the history of the 20th century Europe, will be equally condemned and their victims remembered and commemorated.

 
It is the last indispensable precondition for Europe’s moral and spiritual unity on the road towards mutual openness and genuine solidarity among the nations.

In the name of our fallen parents, brothers and sisters, in the name of those who fought for the independence of our countries, in the name of our future and the future of our children, we have to preserve and spread that memory of our shared past.

We must raise our own and global awareness, deepen respect for human life and dignity. It is the only way that we will stop the spread of totalitarian ideologies and prevent such experiments with nations and people like the Holodomor from ever happening again.

LINK: http://www.president.lt/en/news.full/9878

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20.  A EUROPEAN GENOCIDE

 
REVIEW & OUTLOOK EDITORIAL: Wall Street Journal Europe, NY, NY, Tue, Nov 25, 2008
 
Among the past century’s horrors, the Great Famine in Ukraine manages to stand out. First, for the scale of the mass starvation inflicted by Stalin on millions of people in Europe’s agricultural breadbasket. Second, for how little the world knows about this genocide. A now-free Ukraine wants to change that and just marked the 75th anniversary of the 1932-33 “terror famine,” or Holodomor.
Starting in the late 1920s, Stalin set out to collectivize and hobble the Soviet peasantry. His aim was to crush “the peasantry of the U.S.S.R. as a whole, and the Ukrainian nation,” wrote Robert Conquest in his groundbreaking book, “The Harvest of Sorrow.” An estimated 14.5 million people starved to death in Ukraine, Russia and Belarus when farmland was collectivized and harvests requisitioned. The submission of Ukraine to Moscow helped prolong the Soviet Union’s life for another 60 years.
The Stalinist regime and its ideological soulmates denied the famine at the time and later. Walter Duranty, the New York Times’s longtime Moscow correspondent, was Stalin’s chief apologist, sending false dispatches from Ukraine; he won a Pulitzer Prize. The left-leaning academy condemned Mr. Conquest and the late James Mace, the leading researcher of the famine, when their work appeared in the 1980s. The Berlin Wall’s collapse shamed some of the denialists. “I want to express my deepest appreciation to all who refused to be silent,” President Viktor Yushchenko said Friday.
The exception is the current Russian leadership. Ahead of the official commemoration this past weekend, President Dmitry Medvedev accused Ukraine of seeking to achieve “opportunistic political goals” based on “manipulations and distortions, falsification of facts about the number of dead.” As in Stalin’s day, Ukraine’s independent identity and nationhood stands in the way of a resurgent Russian imperium. By remembering the Holodomor, Ukrainians say — Never again.
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AUR#919 Dec 8 Ukraine Macroeconomic Situation; IMF; Inflation; Currency Falls; Mars, EPAM, European Gas & Ukrainian Reality

 
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR       
An International Newsletter, The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis and Commentary

Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion, Economics,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World       
 
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 919
Mr. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor, SigmaBleyzer
WASHINGTON, D.C., MONDAY, DECEMBER 8, 2008
 
INDEX OF ARTICLES  ——
Clicking on the title of any article takes you directly to the article.               
Return to Index by clicking on Return to Index at the end of each article
Monthly Analytical Report: By Olga Pogarska, Edilberto L. Segura
SigmaBleyzer Emerging Markets Private Equity Investment Group,
The Bleyzer Foundation, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, December 8, 2008
 
2 DEFAULTING COUNTRIES REACH OUT TO IMF AND FINANCIAL FIXERS
In the hangover of the credit crisis where neither Baugar nor Budapest are safe – the rescue business is seeing a comeback.
By Helia Ebrahimi, Telegraph, London, UK, Monday, 08 Dec 2008
 
3.  UKRAINE SEEKS ADVISER IN CASE OF EARLY DEBT PAYMENT
Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Wednesday, December 3 2008
 
By Kateryna Choursina, Bloomberg, New York, NY, Monday, December 8, 2008
 
By Daryna Krasnolutska, Bloomberg, New York, NY, Sunday, December 7, 2008
 
6UKRAINE GOVERNMENT WORSENS ECONOMIC PREDICTIONS
Deutsche Presse-Agentur, Kiev, Ukraine, Wednesday, Dec 3, 2008
Ukraine’s hryvnia has lost more than 60% from a peak of 4.50 to the U.S. dollar in the spring.
By Geoffrey Smith, The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Wed, Dec 3, 2008
 
By Serhij Lyamets, The Ekonomichna Pravda, in Ukrainian, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, Dec. 1, 2008
 
9UKRAINE’S CENTRAL BANK HELPS MAKE $23-BILLION DENT IN POCKETS OF UKRAINIANS
Commentary & Analysis: By Volodymyr Hrytsutenko
Professor of Current Ukrainian History, Lviv Franko University, Lviv, Ukraine
Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, December 8, 2008
 
Commentary & Analysis, By Volodymyr Lanovy
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Prague, Czech Republic, Wed, Dec 03, 2008
 
Confectionery, food, beverage, health & nutrition, pet care products company. USUBC member 98.
U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), Washington, D.C., Tue, Dec 2, 2008
IMB Group, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wednesday, November 12, 2008
 
Southern Research Institute, Birmingham, AL, Monday, December 1, 2008
By Edward Chow and Jonathan Elkind, The Washington Quarterly, pp. 77 – 93
Journal of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Washington, D.C., January, 2009
===================================================
1
 UKRAINE MACROECONOMIC SITUATION REPORT, NOVEMBER 2008

Monthly Analytical Report: By Olga Pogarska, Edilberto L. Segura
SigmaBleyzer Emerging Markets Private Equity Investment Group,
The Bleyzer Foundation, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, December 8, 2008

SUMMARY:

• Ukraine’s real economy has continued to perform well with a real rate of GDP growth of 6.9% yoy in January-September 2008. However, Ukraine’s
near term outlook has worsened substantially, although medium-term prospects remain good.

• Over the first nine months of 2008, the consolidated budget was in surplus of UAH 11.8 billion ($2.3 billion) or 1.6% of period GDP, backed by
above-target revenues and tight control over expenditures. With weak prospects of fully covering the planned financing gap and the likely shortfall in revenues through the rest of the year, the government started to revise their expenditure plans. As a result, the fiscal deficit is likely to be significantly below target.

• Following two months of inflation relief, consumer prices returned to growth, advancing by 1.1% month-over-month in September. Though inflation continued to decelerate in annual terms, government plans to adjust a number of service tariffs will notably hinder this process in the coming months.

• With rapidly widening trade and current account deficits, large external debt financing needs and high banking system exposure to credit and foreign
currency risks, Ukraine was and remains extremely vulnerable to adverse external shocks. On the back of heightened global financial instability since September, falling world steel prices and a weakening global economy, these risks started to materialize during September-October.

• Reflecting growing stress to the Ukrainian economy, major international rating agencies downgraded Ukraine’s sovereign rating.

• Despite the recent turbulences, the prompt government and monetary authorities’ response as well as gained support from international financial
institutions increases the chances that Ukraine may be able to weather the storm with relatively moderate pain.

ECONOMIC GROWTH 

Buoyed by outstanding performance in agriculture, real GDP growth picked up to an impressive 10.4% yoy in August, bringing cumulative growth to 7.1% yoy. At the same time, the Ukrainian economy is likely to lose steam through the rest of this year and also 2009, courtesy of both external and domestic factors.

Resilient so far, Ukraine’s heavily export-oriented and external-financing-dependent economy looks increasingly vulnerable to the recent financial crisis. Weakening external demand has already manifested through plunging world commodity prices, while foreign investors’ flight-to-quality and risk aversion may dry up foreign capital inflows to emerging markets.

On the domestic front, lingering inflationary pressures and political instability, weaknesses in the domestic banking system, a rapidly widening trade deficit
and large private sector indebtedness subdue Ukraine’s economic outlook in the near future.

Already in September, real GDP growth slowed to 5.5% yoy on the back of weaker industry, domestic trade and construction. Cumulatively, however,
economic growth decelerated only marginally to 6.9% yoy, supported by strong value added growth in agricultural and the transportation and communication sectors.

Thanks to a 15-year record grain harvest, agriculture expanded by 15.7% yoy over the first nine months of the year. At the same time, due to unfavorable weather conditions in September, the harvest of corn, sugar beets and some other crops and vegetables turned out to be less successful than previously expected. This explains value added growth deceleration in January-September compared to an explosive 24.4% yoy increase in January-August.

Transportation and communication kept expanding at a robust 10.4% yoy over January-September, virtually the same rate as in 1H 2008, according to the revised State Statistics Committee data.

On the other hand, construction plunged by 10.3% yoy over the first nine months of the year, affected by tight access to credit. The industrial sector also
continued to decelerate and grew by only 5% yoy due to weaknesses in the global demand for iron, steel and chemical products. In particular, following
several months of deceleration, metallurgical production has been contracting in annual terms since August, in line with the sharp decline in world steel prices.

In September, output in industry fell by 17% yoy, driving cumulative growth below zero. October is likely to see another major decline in industry as a number of metallurgical producers announced production and employment cuts.

The depression in the metallurgical sector will exact a significant toll on the whole Ukrainian economy as the sector accounts for more than 45% of total
export revenues and about 25% of total industrial production. In addition, poor metallurgical performance will also affect a number of other industries
and sectors, including the extractive industry, machine-building, construction, and transportation.

Expectations that the new harvest will improve food processing performance did not materialize. Industrial production grew by a modest 2.2% yoy over the first nine months of the year, decelerating from about 10% yoy at the beginning of the year. Weak external demand was among the main reasons of worsening chemical industry performance.

Over the nine months, output growth in export-oriented chemical production slimmed down to 2.9% yoy compared to 9% yoy growth at the
beginning of the year.

After all, warning signs of economic weakness were already evident in the second quarter of 2008. In particular, investments advanced by only 6.3% yoy as tighter monetary policy limited access to banks’ credit. Private consumption growth decelerated to 13.3% yoy, down from almost 18% yoy in the previous quarter. A domestic trade slowdown to 9.4% yoy in January-September from 13% yoy in 1H 2008 foretells further weakening of domestic
consumption in 3Q 2008.

Moreover, while exports rebounded at a strong 9% yoy (up from less than 1% yoy in 1Q 2008), imports continued to outpace exports, expanding by a record high 25.6% yoy in 2Q 2008. Ukraine’s deteriorating current account balance puts pressure on economic growth and increases the country’s dependence on external capital flows.

On the back of easing steel prices, tight external and domestic credit markets amid large external financing needs, a cooling world economy and recent
turbulence on the domestic financial market (which is likely to cause a further credit squeeze and aggravate domestic banking sector weaknesses),
Ukraine’s near-term outlook has worsened substantially. Economic growth is forecasted to decelerate to 6.3% yoy in 2008 and enter a downturn in 2009.

At the same time, the country maintains a good medium-term outlook, supported by a large domestic market, great agricultural potential, a cheap and skilled labor force, good prospects for signing a free trade agreement with the EU and greater chances of reform acceleration (in part thanks to recently applying to the IMF financing).

FISCAL POLICY 

Ukraine’s public finances remained in a good shape as the country ran a consolidated budget surplus of UAH 11.8 billion ($2.3 billion) though the end of
September, which is equivalent to 1.6% of period GDP. Public spending rose by a nominal 41% yoy over the first nine months of the year, underpinned
by higher spending on public wages and social transfers.

In particular, remuneration to public sector employees grew by a nominal 38.1% yoy, while current transfers to the population advanced by 48% yoy. Despite strong growth, fiscal expenditures were still below target mainly due to under-execution of capital spending. The government refrained from tightening social expenditures in view of the turbulent political environment and looming presidential elections (scheduled for early 2010).

At the same time, though expenditures notably increased, they were still below the targeted amount. According to the State Treasury, expenditures from the general fund of the state budget were under-executed by about 3%. Together with above-planned revenues, this secured a budget surplus for the period.

During January-September, consolidated budget revenues grew by 43.7% yoy in nominal terms over the first nine months of the year backed by a 53% yoy increase in tax receipts. As in the previous periods, value added tax proceeds, advancing by almost 70% yoy in nominal terms, were the main contributor to tax revenue growth over the period.  Defined usually as the tax on consumption, impressive growth in VAT receipts this year is explained by high inflation,  robust imports, and improved tax administration.

In parallel, however, the authorities started to accumulate VAT refund arrears, as it became clear in the middle of the year that the targeted amount for

VAT refunds, envisaged in the 2008 budget law, was significantly underestimated. In January-September, VAT reimbursement was 43% above the planned amount. According to expert estimates, VAT refund arrears amounted to UAH 11 billion (about $2 billion) at the end of September, up from about UAH 8 billion in the middle of the year.

However, the situation is unlikely to improve until the end of the year, as a reduction in arrears will require a budget revision, the likelihood of which looks quite low. At the same time, the accumulation of further arrears may lose speed substantially through the rest of the year given notable export weakening.

Execution of other taxes, particularly corporate and personal income taxes, has been good in January-September, as proceeds from these taxes picked up by a nominal 57% yoy and 38% yoy respectively. Despite current favorable budget performance, successful budget exercise through the rest of the year looks quite worrisome.

First, due to further projected worsening of economic performance through the rest of the year and government initiatives to introduce tax benefits for a number of industries affected by a sharp deterioration in the external environment, budget revenues risk being substantially under-executed.

However, above-target revenues and strict control over expenditures allowed the government to accumulate significant cash balances on its Treasury account (about UAH 16 billion at the end of September).

Second, the financing gap, targeted at about UAH 19 billion, or 1.8% of expected 2008 GDP, looks insurmountable. The budget deficit was planned to be financed by new government borrowings (both external and internal) and privatization proceeds.

Despite the greater reliance on domestic debt financing this year, Ukraine’s fiscal authorities still planned to raise UAH 8.1 billion ($1.6 billion) in foreign borrowing, including about $1 billion by placing Eurobonds, for which a road-show was conducted in June.

However, on the back of tight external credit markets and investors’ flight to safety, the government decided to shelve the bond issuance. At the same time, reliance on domestic debt issuance also was not very successful. Given frankly unattractive yields amid high domestic inflation, the authorities raised only UAH 1.4 billion into state coffers in January-September, or less than 20% of the targeted amount for this year.

And finally, government plans to receive UAH 8.8 billion ($1.5 billion) in the form of privatization receipts this year will not materialize. At the end of September, the accumulated privatization proceeds amounted to less than 4.5% of the annual target.

With the deteriorating prospects for an already slowing economy and the lack of targeted fiscal deficit financing, the government started to revise their expenditure plans. In particular, the President and the Cabinet of Ministers issued a number of Decrees, envisaging expenditure cuts on public administration.

Moreover, the government is likely to continue to tightly control expenditures through the rest of the year. This would mean moderate expenditure
loosening in the last couple of months. However, the year-end fiscal deficit may turn out to be significantly lower than previously expected.

Presented in September, the draft Budget Law for 2009 is likely to be recalled or significantly amended, as it was developed prior to financial stresses on both the external and domestic markets and deteriorated prospects for the next year. Moreover, the targeted deficit of UAH 17.4 billion ($3 billion), or 1.4% of GDP, is not in accordance with the government’s commitment to the IMF to maintain a balanced budget in 2009.

A prudent fiscal stance is considered the most effective measure to cool aggregate demand, tackle inflation and narrow the foreign trade deficit. Given the turbulent political environment, it looks like the 2009 budget law will be approved next year.

MONETARY POLICY 

Monetary policy tightening, appreciation of the national currency in May, and a record harvest caused prices to fall during July-August. As a result, annual inflation continued to decelerate, reaching 26% yoy in August, down from its peak of 31.1% yoy in May. However, two-month deflation was a temporary relief as in September, monthly inflation advanced by 1.1%.

However, inflation kept slowing in annual terms to 24.6% due to a high statistical base. A rise in monthly inflation reflects a 3.8% mom increase in utility tariffs (starting September, natural gas prices for the population were increased by 13–14%), 21.2% mom growth in the cost of education services and 1.2% mom more expensive services in restaurants and hotels and higher excises on tobacco.

Some relief was brought by declining gasoline prices (down by 6% mom in September) consistent with falling world crude oil prices.While inflation is expected to decelerate further through the end of the year, its pace will be much slower.

First, easing inflation provided the government authorities with some room to adjust a number of regulated prices and tariffs. A 20% rise in communication tariffs since the beginning of October, another 35% increase in natural gas tariffs for households since the beginning of December, and multi-fold increases
in utility tariffs for legal entities and transportation tariffs in Kyiv, the capital and the largest city of Ukraine, were already announced.

Second, the recent sharp depreciation of the national currency may spill-over into domestic inflation as it will make imported goods more expensive. Although the substitution effect will be present, it may be quite limited for a number of inelastic goods such as medicines, energy, etc. Annual inflation
is expected to slow moderately to about 22% yoy in 2008.

Unfavorable sentiments formed amid recent intensification of global financial turmoil and Ukraine’s deteriorating fundamentals prompted foreign investors
to more actively withdraw capital from the country. A combination of falling world steel prices and weakening external demand, a large current account deficit and sizable payments due on private sector external liabilities, weaknesses in the banking system (high exposure to credit and foreign exchange risks) as well a new wave of political instability since September tilted the balance towards sharp Hryvnia depreciation.

The NBU refrained from active support of the exchange rate, allowing it to depreciate, which was consistent with May’s decision to switch towards a managed float regime. The NBU, however, wanted a smooth exchange rate adjustment to its market clearing level by selling limited amounts of foreign currency on the interbank foreign exchange market.

This strategy resulted in a loss of $4.5 billion in the NBU’s foreign exchange reserve during September-October and in a depreciation of the Hryvnia by about 27% of its value against the US dollar over the period (to UAH/USD 5.95 on average on the interbank market at the end of October).

Devaluation may also intensify stress on the banking sector due to existing currency mismatches of banks’ assets and liabilities. Although the level of
indebtedness of the Ukrainian private sector is far below that of developed countries, more than half of all loans issued by commercial banks are denominated in foreign currencies.

This means that local borrowers are particularly exposed to currency risks. On top of that, the sixth largest Ukrainian bank suffered a bank-run by depositors in September. Although the National Bank of Ukraine responded quickly by providing UAH 5 billion (about $1 billion) of emergency refinancing and later took control of this bank, this occurrence undermined confidence in the banking system.

To minimize counterparty risks in the banking sector, commercial banks cut or closed their bilateral credit limits, restraining commercial bank access to
domestic finances. In addition, the population rushed to withdraw funds from their deposit accounts. The NBU’s active support of a number of
commercial banks with liquidity through its refinancing operations calmed these fears. In October, it provided UAH 29.3 billion (about $5 billion).

To avoid bank-runs, the NBU has imposed a six-month freeze on the early withdrawal of savings deposits from commercial banks. Simultaneously,
an increase in the deposit guarantee was suggested to UAH 150,000 (about $25,800), tripling from the previous level. The NBU has also imposed tight limitations on the capacity of the commercial banks to expand their credit portfolio.

Although the NBU softened this restriction a few days later, trying to avert a local credit crunch, the ban on foreign currency loans to borrowers without
foreign currency income was left intact. The NBU strengthened its monitoring capacity of external private sector debt. In particular, it required commercial
banks to report data on their and their clients’ external liabilities maturing each quarter over the next 12 months.

Government officials have also considered the establishment of a stabilization fund, which would work with a government-owned Asset Recovery Company to buy and resolve some of the distressed assets of the banks.

Ukrainian authorities applied for IMF financing support and on October 26th, an agreement was reached on a two-year $16.5 billion stand-by IMF loan. Given the above measures and support from the international financial institutions, Ukraine may still weather the storm with relatively moderate pain.

INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND CAPITAL 

Ukraine’s foreign trade data, released by the State Statistics Committee for January-August, still demonstrate a rather favorable picture. Exports kept increasing fast, advancing by an impressive 48.5% yoy over the first eight months of the year. An outstanding harvest triggered a surge in grain exports,
which expanded by 120% yoy over the period.

High world iron ore, coal and energy prices over the period underpinned an almost 70% yoy increase in mineral products exports, whose share grew to 10.4% of total merchandise exports, up from 9% in the respective period last year.

Weakening of world steel prices, which was observed since July, had a minor impact on Ukraine’s exports of metallurgical products in August. Export of the weightiest group of commodities surged by 60.6% yoy, bringing cumulative growth to 54.5% yoy.

Robust economic growth in Ukraine’s main trading partner countries supported a 40.5% yoy increase in exports of machinery and transport equipment. At the same time, export growth started to decelerate in August as exports in value terms were by about $1 billion lower compared to the previous month.

Although a decline in world iron ore, steel and energy prices, tighter domestic credit conditions and slower growth in real households’ income contributed
to a deceleration in imports in August, rates of growth remained at an impressive 63% yoy that month (down from almost 70% yoy in July) and 58.3% yoy to date.

As imports continued to notably outpace exports, the FOB/CIF merchandise trade deficit widened to $12.5 billion over the first nine months of this year. A deteriorating foreign trade balance is the main cause of the widening current account gap. According to preliminary estimates of the NBU, the CA gap widened to $7.5 billion in January-August, representing 6% of period GDP.

Over the period under review, this amount was fully covered by foreign direct investments, estimated at $8.1 billion over the period. However, the
current account gap is expected to reach $12–13 billion, or about 7% of GDP, in 2008.

In addition to this, Ukraine will need to serve significant foreign short term debt. As of June 2008, out of total external debt outstanding of $100 billion,
about $28.2 billion was due up to one year. At the same time, the NBU registers external debt by original maturity.

This means that if the short-term portion of the long term debt is included, the total amount of external debt refinancing may be as high as $40–45 billion. Although a portion of this sum is either due by subsidiaries to parent companies or represents more stable trade credits, the net external financing requirements still remain at a substantial $25–30 billion.

While this amount looks manageable, amid a turbulent global environment marked by risk aversion and worsening macroeconomic fundamentals, raising it may be very difficult, which points to rising stress on Ukraine’s balance of payments.

Although official data is not available yet, very high risk premiums on Ukraine’s securities, a decline in portfolio investments, partly as a result of which the country’s stock exchange (PFTS) index has declined by more than 80% year-to-date, and finally sharp currency depreciation during September-October show that the above risks have started to materialize.

On a positive note, declining world crude oil prices increase chances that the natural gas price increase on imported gas in 2009 may be significantly lower than in was previously anticipated. Coupled with the implementation of a government program developed in close cooperation with the IMF to restore financial and macroeconomic stability, current account pressures will ease substantially. The current account gap is now forecasted to decline to
about 3% of GDP in 2009.

OTHER DEVELOPMENTS AFFECTING INVESTMENT CLIMATE 

Following rapid deterioration of macroeconomic fundamentals, currency pressures and increased worries over banking sector health, international
rating agencies downgraded Ukraine’s sovereign ratings as well as individual ratings of a number of private companies and commercial banks.

For the same reasons, the Ukrainian authorities applied for IMF financial support at the beginning of October. On October 26th, a tentative agreement
was reached on a two-year $16.5 billion stand-by agreement. The final decision was conditioned on the parliament’s approval of a number of legislative
initiatives, including approval of a bank recapitalization program and a firm commitment to prudent fiscal policy coupled with tighter monetary policy.

Despite a turbulent political environment, the government authorities promptly developed the “stabilization” package, which was approved by the parliament at the end of October. For the Parliament vote to be legitimate, the President has suspended the dissolution order of the Rada. Moreover, early
parliamentary elections called by the President at the end of September are likely to be delayed until spring of next year.

Although the approval of the IMF financial support package is not a panacea, it sends positive signals about the possibility that Ukraine may weather the storm with relatively moderate pain.

The IMF support also opens other alternative external sources of financial assistance to Ukraine. In particular, the World Bank has already announced it is
revising its program of cooperation with Ukraine to provide rapid assistance in hot areas, such as restructuring and recapitalization of the banking sector, improving support to the poor, deepening of structural reforms to restore Ukraine rapidly to sustainable economic growth, etc.

UKRAINE, BULGARIA, ROMANIA, & KAZAKHSTAN MACROECONOMIC REPORTS —–

NOTE: To read the entire SigmaBleyzer/The Bleyzer Foundation Ukraine Macroeconomic Situation update report for November 2008 in a PDF format, including color charts and graphics click on the attachment to this e-mail or go to the following link, and click on Ukraine November 2008,
http://www.sigmableyzer.com/publications/monthly_reports. SigmaBleyzer/The Bleyzer Foundation also publishes monthly Macroeconomic Situation reports for Bulgaria, Romania and Kazakhstan. The present and past reports, including those for Ukraine can be found at http://www.sigmableyzer.com/en/page/532.

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2.  DEFAULTING COUNTRIES REACH OUT TO IMF AND FINANCIAL FIXERS
In the hangover of the credit crisis where neither Baugar nor Budapest are safe – the rescue business is seeing a comeback.

By Helia Ebrahimi, Telegraph, London, UK, Monday, 08 Dec 2008

LONDON – Exactly one year on from having its resources slashed and it relevance questioned, the International Monetary Fund has put record amounts of
emergency loans to work.

A staggering $41.8bn (pounds28.6bn) of cash was carved up in November alone between Iceland, Hungary, Serbia, Ukraine and Pakistan, with a further $10bn bail-out being finessed this weekend to pull Turkey back from possible default.

But the IMF is not the only one saving sovereign states.

The buccaneers of restructuring, already busy breathing oxygen into the lungs of debt-choked companies, like retailer Baugar, are parleying what they do for corporates, multi-nationals and financial institutions into a tool kit to help them fix the breakdown of entire finance ministries and the economies they run.

One restructuring boss who has been advising several governments said: “The game has moved on. Now it is not just companies, it is entire countries that
need our services. They need to be restructured and that will mean outside help.”

But some of the crews manning the lifeboats will include firms that prospered greatly in the days before the storm clouds had gathered and have themselves been partly blamed for causing the tempest.

Names such as Blackstone, Goldman Sachs, Credit Suisse and Deloitte who earned billions of pounds in the deal and debt frenzy are now at the
forefront of clearing up its aftermath.

Kari Hale, strategy partner at Deloitte’s, says that good advice could mean the difference between survival and going bust. Mr Hale was on the Anderson
team that along with McKinsey and Credit Suisse rode in to repair the systemic failure of the Swedish banking system in 1991.

Along with his boss at the time, Mark Carawan, who is now head of internal audit at Barclays, 70 senior partners at the three advisory powerhouses
spent 180 days tearing apart the financial structures of the Scandinavian state and rebuilding the entire system with a mandate for change and a
unified strategy.

The good bank/bad bank format they used in Sweden – like the current American TARP fund where the toxic debt of the likes of AIG and Lehman have
been dumped – became the template exported to other places where the IMF also lent money to, including Korea, Venezuela and Thailand.

But as the world economy grew and defaulting countries became a distant memory, the celebrated engineers of state administrations became redundant
and teams were closed down and the professionals moved to other more common place projects.

Now, the call has again been sounded and re-cast corporate fanciers, private equity principles and auditors are, with a gleam in their eyes, again making
up the rank and file of the restructuring world.

Blackstone, which advised Northern Rock in the run up to its nationalisation, was drafted into Iceland, where KPMG is also doing some work. Goldman Sachs advised the Treasury as it took over the ailing bank.

Amongst other European projects, the American private equity firm is working in the Ukraine alongside Credit Suisse, which has also seen its client list
grow with Government mandates such as Kazakhstan, Belgium and project based  work for the UK Treasury on RBS, Lloyds and HBOS.

Experts predict countries in freefall calling in the financial fixers or making deals with the IMF could include Latvia, Bulgaria, even Ireland, Greece and Italy.

At its inception in the 1940’s, the IMF was created up to help countries with bombed out balance sheets amidst the post-war yearning for a global
economic security. Representatives from 45 countries met in the town of Bretton Woods, New Hampshire in the United States and agreed on a framework for international co-operation to be set up after the Second World War.

Over the years it developed a special trust fund for low income countries lent money at 0.5pc interest rates to help reduce poverty and foster global
market stability.

But essentially, the IMF acts as a safety-net and insurance policy for its 185 member states. The members pay a subscription and at times of financial
crisis the IMF can offer medium term debt until a commercial solution can be arranged. It also sends out its economists to spot problems and early
warning signs of systemic economic failure.

 
The oil shock of the 1970s and South American inspired debt crisis of the 1980s led to sharp increases in IMF lending – including its biggest at the
time – a $3.9bn loan in 1976 to Jim Callaghan’s cash-strapped UK Government.

But in a world awash with cheap debt and exuberant trade surpluses, the Fund slipped from the forefront of the world stage and became regarded as at best
diminished and at worst irrelevant.

Only a year ago the IMF’s managing director Dominique Strauss-Kahn, a former finance minister in the French government and also a one-time presidential
candidate announced the fund had to cut up to 15 per cent of its workforce in a desperate attempt to sort out its finances as demand for its loans continued to weaken.

But now, thanks to a recent $100bn commitment from Japan, the Fund is sitting on more than $300bn ready to help rescue a dozen more countries that
could face default within the next few months.

There is increasing pressure on Middle Eastern countries to follow Japan’s example which has helped create a brand new short term liquidity facility.
Before this, the IMFs loans lasted five years. But the new product allows countries that are still fundamentally financially healthy but need quick access to cash to take out a three month loans at market rates. No money has been drawn from this facility yet but Turkey could be the
first.

Caroline Atkinson, an IMF director and part of the 24-strong management team of the institution, says the Fund has geared up at this time of
unprecedented financial crisis and could again start re-hiring, this time from the financial sector.

‘We are able to disburse money to applicant countries in just a matter of weeks if needed,’ says Atkinson. ‘We run very lean three to six person teams
that get into the crisis countries and negotiate funding packages directly with the government in very quick turn-around times,’ she said.

Mr Strauss-Kahn’s former colleague Simon Johnson – who a year ago was the IMFs chief economist, says: “There will be many many more countries out
there who will be calling on the IMF.

“They didn’t know it then but the world had drunk Kool-Aid. They believed the story that things would always be good and could only get better.”
Mr Johnson, now a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute and professor at MIT’s Sloane school of Management said: “There is a systemic shift in the
action the global economy needs,” he said. “And the IMF is best placed to deliver what is needed.”

 
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3.  UKRAINE SEEKS ADVISER IN CASE OF EARLY DEBT PAYMENT

Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Wednesday, December 3 2008

KIEV – Ukraine’s government wants to hire asset manager and equity fund Blackstone Group as a financial adviser particularly for talks on early repayment of state company debts, a senior official said on Wednesday.
“This is to do with issues such as servicing external debt, cabinet activity during the financial crisis, meaning financial policy, including consultations on talks with creditors, which want early repayment…,” First Deputy Prime Minister Oleksander Turchynov said after a cabinet meeting.
He said there was no issue over the government’s sovereign debt, but “unfortunately, state monopolies and state enterprises have such creditors”. He did not name which companies have been asked for early repayment, nor specified any amounts.
Ukrainian media reported last month that the state motorway firm Ukravtodor had been asked to pay off its debt early, but the company itself did not name a creditor nor an amount.
The state energy firm, Naftogaz, avoided default and possible early repayment of its $500 million Eurobond last month, when bondholders extended a deadline for receiving the company’s 2007 audited accounts to the end of the year.
Analysts have said that should Naftogaz default, clauses in its other debt agreements would force it to repay about $2.5 billion early. According to central bank data, Ukraine’s external debt as of July 1 stood at $42.7 billion, of which $38.5 billion was corporate debt. (Editing by Ron Askew) (Reporting by Natalya Zinets; writing by Sabina Zawadzki)
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4.  UKRAINE RESTRICTS BANK WITHDRAWALS TO AVERT LIQUIDITY CRISIS

By Kateryna Choursina, Bloomberg, New York, NY, Monday, December 8, 2008
KIEV – Ukraine’s central bank restricted withdrawals from banks before the maturity date of individual contracts to avert a liquidity crisis.
The Kiev-based Natsionalnyi Bank Ukrainy said in a letter to commercial lenders on Dec. 6 that early withdrawals of deposits “leaves liquidity of some banks under threat,” according to a statement on the bank’s Web site.
The central bank introduced a six-month moratorium for domestic lenders to return deposits to clients before contracts with banks that ended on Oct. 13 after depositors started withdrawing their money. Ukrainians were withdrawing as much as 2 billion hryvnia ($100 million) a day in the first days of October, First Deputy central bank Governor Anatoliy Shapovalov said on Oct. 24. The regulator also recommended that banks reduce foreign- currency interest rates, according to a statement on its Web site also dated Dec. 6.
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U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC): http://www.usubc.org
Promoting U.S.-Ukraine business relations & investment since 1995.
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5.  UKRAINE INFLATION, EUROPE’S FASTEST, SLOWS TO 22.3% IN NOVEMBER

 
By Daryna Krasnolutska, Bloomberg, New York, NY, Sunday, December 7, 2008
KIEV – Ukraine’s inflation rate, the highest in Europe, fell in November for a sixth month, on slowing growth in food costs.  The annual rate dropped to 22.3 percent from 23.2 percent in the previous month, the state statistics committee in the capital Kiev said in a release on its Web site dated yesterday.
 
The median forecast of seven economists in a Bloomberg survey had been for a 22.6 percent rate. In the month, prices rose 1.5 percent, compared with 1.7 percent in October.
The government has to curb inflation to stabilize the economy and fulfill a pledge to the International Monetary Fund. The Washington-based lender agreed last month to provide $16.4 billion to the former Soviet republic to support its financial system, which has been battered by the global financial crisis, on condition it slows inflation to at least 17 percent next year.
The government raised its inflation forecast to “around 21” percent, compared with 15.9 percent initially expected for this year on Dec. 3. The government has failed to keep inflation below 10 percent since 2003.
Producer prices increased an annual 27.4 percent in November as compared with 37.7 percent in October. In the month, producer prices declined 6.5 percent as compared with a fall of 1.4 percent. Food prices rose an annual 26.7 percent in November, slowing from 29.4 percent in October.
 
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[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
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6.  UKRAINE GOVERNMENT WORSENS ECONOMIC PREDICTIONS

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, Kiev, Ukraine, Wednesday, Dec 3, 2008

KIEV – The Ukrainian government worsened official predictions for the economy on Wednesday, halving expected annual GDP growth for 2009 to between 3 and 4 per cent.

The former Soviet republic’s economy already has moved into a full recession, with GDP contracting 2 per cent during December alone, and annual
inflation standing at 21 per cent, a Ministry of Economy official said.

Ukraine’s Ministry of Economy as recently as June had been estimating that the country would over the course of 2008 see 7 per cent annual GDP growth,
and 15 per cent inflation.

Falling government revenues due to lower GDP growth had placed Ukraine’s 2009 state budget in jeopardy, and a budget review was ‘critical’ said Serhy
Romaniuk, Vice Economics Minister, at a Kiev press conference.

Ukraine’s pro-Europe government had for more than a month dragged its feet on even admitting the economy was teetering, with officials claiming
international economic weakness would leave Ukraine’s GDP growth and inflation numbers practically unchanged.

Political chaos making Ukraine’s leaders unable to deal with the crisis effectively was a key cause for the Kiev government’s unwillingness to admit
the economy was in trouble, observers said.

Ukraine’s parliament has been without a ruling coalition since September. Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko called for new elections to be held
December 15, but in-fighting between political factions and a state cash shortage has prevented Yushchenko’s administration from preparing for the
vote, and placed the poll in doubt.

Rewriting the national budget to take into account worsened economic performance was impossible, Romaniuk conceded, because the hung parliament
would be unable to consider new legislation, and due to the rapid weakening of the national currency, the hryvna.

Independent observers have for some time been pessimistic on the Ukrainian economy, with Fitch Ratings predicting Ukrainian 2008 GDP growth of 4.5 per cent, and inflation in excess of 25 per cent, according to an Interfax news agency report.
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7.  CURRENCY FALL REFLECTS UKRAINE’S WOES
Ukraine’s hryvnia has lost more than 60% from a peak of 4.50 to the U.S. dollar in the spring.

By Geoffrey Smith, The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Wed, Dec 3, 2008

KIEV, Ukraine — Ukraine’s currency spiraled to a new low Wednesday as data showed the country’s population ditching the hryvnia in favor of the dollar
faster than ever.

The former Soviet republic is entering a full-blown economic and financial crisis as global demand for steel, its main export, collapses, while Russia
continues to threaten it with an ever-higher bill for its gas imports. Confidence in the politically divided government’s crisis plan, which is backed by a $16.5 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund, is fading.

November data released by the National Bank of Ukraine showed it had already hemorrhaged almost 80% of the first part of the emergency IMF loan within a month of receiving it. The National Bank’s gross foreign reserves rose by only $820 million in the month to $32.74 billion, despite its receiving $4.5 billion from the IMF through a hastily arranged stand-by arrangement.

The central bank also said it spent $3.4 billion in foreign-exchange interventions in the course of the month to prop up the currency. From a peak of 4.50 to the U.S. dollar this spring, the hryvnia has lost more than 60%. The dollar surged to 7.51 hryvnia on the interbank market Wednesday, above the central bank’s official rate of 7.23.

The atmosphere at the country’s exchange booths has become increasingly tense in recent weeks, with many running out of foreign currency, first due
to the refusal of banks to comply with new central-bank regulations and then due to the sheer weight of demand. Net purchases of dollars by the
population more than doubled last month to $2.3 billion from $930 million in October.

Panic was further stoked by media reports earlier this week that President Viktor Yushchenko, onetime hero of the 2004 Orange Revolution, was preparing
a decree ordering the forced conversion of the population’s dollar deposits into hryvnia. Mr. Yushchenko denied the reports as “nonsense” Wednesday,
vowing he wouldn’t intervene in the central bank’s monetary policy.

However, his spokeswoman, Irina Vannikova, had told a briefing earlier this week that Mr. Yushchenko would take “extreme measures” against the NBU if it failed to bring the currency crisis under control. Her comments were widely taken at the time as a veiled threat to sack the central-bank’s chairman,
Volodymyr Stelmakh. (Write to Geoffrey Smith at geoffrey.smith@dowjones.com)\

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8.  NATIONAL BANK OF UKRAINE: STELMAKH COVERS UP BULLS AND BEARS  
 
By Serhij Lyamets, The Ekonomichna Pravda, in Ukrainian, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, Dec. 1, 2008
Action Ukraine Report (AUR), in English, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, December 8, 2008
 
It is the National Bank of Ukraine that provokes panic among Ukrainians and the crisis on the currency market by its actions, or rather the lack of actions.
Every week I get phone calls from the NBU. The central bank’s officials accuse me of destabilizing the banking system, notably, the currency market. “If the press wouldn’t give so much ink to the crisis, everything would be OK,” they tell me. 
Similar Statements emanate from many key banking system officials board, including the NBU board  chairman Petro Poroshenko and board member Vasyl Horbal. But now I know where the smoking gun is. 
In late October, I kept mum – not a single article on currency markets in the whole week. I really wanted to give the NBU a chance to put its business in order.
However, instead of harnessing the hryvnia-dollar exchange rate, NBU let it balloon to hryvnia 7.2 per 1 dollar, sending shock waves among Ukrainians.
Following this, let me tackle the issue from a different angle. Yes, the media write about the currency market problems, and this electrifies the populace. But, in the meantime, what are the actions of the NBU? What signals does it send to Ukrainians?
My answer is this: it is the National Bank of Ukraine that provokes panic among Ukrainians and the crisis on the currency market by its actions, or rather the lack of actions. The NBU appeals to Ukrainians not to buy greenbacks while pushing up daily the dollar exchange rate. How the NBU is doing this has been described many times. 
Let’s ask ourselves: “Why is the central bank doing this?” The NBU answer comes quick: “Because this is the market.”
Does it mean that we will put the blame for any lack of action on the market?
Question 2: “Who cashes in on the crisis?” According to NBU Governor Volodymyr Stelmakh, it is bears and bulls. “Who are these speculators? If they are owners of street exchange kiosks and underground centers for laundering money, where do they get the money from?”
It follows that the banks are the beneficiaries. And this is no mere rhetoric to smear the reputation of president’s buddy Volodymyr Stelmakh. 
It is the banks that sell dollars to exchange kiosks. It is the banks that tell their clients they are short of currency even to repay foreign loans. At the same time, it is the banks that keep foreign currency in their non-cash correspondence accounts. It is the banks that funnel heaps of greenbacks and euros to their cash desks. 
Hence, totally different questions come to mind. This one is for Mr Horbal: “Why did Ukrhazbank start selling dollars last week at 7.5 hryvnia? Is it your way to stabilize the currency market?
“Mr Poroshenko, why are you keeping mum about the list of banks that are the biggest buyers of dollars from the NBU?”
You have pledged publicly that you will get this information from the NBU board. Did you fail? Is everything ok and is there any graft on your turf ? If everything at the NBU is in top-notch order, how will you explain sudden interventions and restrictions imposed by the NBU on the sales of currency via auctions?
I also appeal to the Prosecutor General’s Office, Vekhovna Rada and the cabinet. Why did none of these structures lift their finger to check the validity of NBU board operations, and I mean to check the board activities, not to ask Stelmakh to explain the situation?
No one seems to care that the dollar costs 7.5 hryvnias, businesses are going bankrupt, and the number of bad credits is piling up.
Of course, most of my questions are for the NBU governor. “Mr Stelmakh, if you know who the bears and bulls are, why are you sitting on your hands? Or, probably, you intend to keep the status quo until 2010 [the year of the next presidential election]. Otherwise, Ukrainians will realize once again that they have been taken for a ride by the regime.”
Most importantly, Mr Stelmakh, why don’t your words tally with what is happening? Why does your deputy Oleksandr Savchenko make statements which are not implemented?
Let me now present my vision: judging by their declarations, NBU officials are after stability. In reality, however, their assurances of fighting the crisis are a smokescreen to hide a mechanism of bleeding the NBU of billions of dollars, with a specific group of individuals lining their pockets.
I would like to hear your comments, Mr. Governor.
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9.  UKRAINE’S CENTRAL BANK HELPS MAKE $23-BILLION DENT IN POCKETS OF UKRAINIANS

 
COMMENTARY & ANALYSIS: By Volodymyr Hrytsutenko
Professor of Current Ukrainian History, Lviv Franko University, Lviv, Ukraine
Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, December 8, 2008
 
In early October, when the talk about the looming financial crisis was becoming loud in Ukraine, we heard soothing comments from National Bank of Ukraine officials and the finance minister. Strangely enough, while the dollar sank in the world, it surged in value in Ukraine. The officials said the rise of the dollar was only temporarily and the NBU would soon stabilize and strengthen the hryvnia.
It cannot be denied that, in part, the hryvnia devalued due to a severe political crisis, with the president and premier engaged in a cat-and-dog fight and the balkanized and stalled legislature bickering about the coalition. Becoming a weighty negative factor, such political goings-on contributed to fuelling domestic inflation and panic buying of hard currency by Ukrainians. 
Nonetheless, the NBU cited the ongoing financial crisis in the West as the basic cause of the hryvnia downfall. Not a word was spoken about the NBU share of the blame.
To explain the dollar surge, NBU governor’s chief advisor, Valery Lytvytsky, went on the air, saying the NBU is not guilty and the hryvnia rate of 7.3 to one dollar was too low. He said the fair exchange rate was Hr. 5.5-5.6 per $1.
He failed to explain, though, who or what stopped the NBU from selling dollars at this rate or why the rate was too low.
 
TRUE CAUSES OF HRYVNIA DOWNFALL
Meanwhile, the causes of the high dollar value can be seen with a naked eye.
The NBU did not sell dollars to all banks that asked for it, selling greenbacks only to the chosen few. It led commercial banks to buy the hard currency from other banks. Currently, the NBU provides credits to commercial banks at 8-12% interest rate. The banks, in their turn, give credits to legal entities at a staggering 25-30%, a killing rate for businesses. 
To shield itself from accusations, the NBU started sales of American currency: for example, while the banks applied for $433 million on Dec. 3, the NBU sold merely $93 million. On some days the NBU did not sell dollars at all, whipping up demand and panic even higher.  
The hryvnia downfall has been also caused by the large negative trade balance of Ukraine. Now that the national currency has devalued by almost 50%, many importers will be forced to stop to buy foreign goods and move into other areas of business. (There’s a silver lining, the low hryvnia will make Ukrainian exports more competitive.)
Even if Ukraine’s trade balance improves, it does not mean that the economy will recover. That is why financial experts predict a high exchange rate of 7.5 for $1 for the hryvnia (or even 8 according to the IMF forecast for 2009). Striking a pessimistic note, many bankers say it may take the hryvnia 3-5 years to recover to the 5.5 exchange rate.
As the demand for dollars dramatically exceeded the supply, the dollar value ballooned.
NBU AND YUSHCHENKO MUST TAKE THE BLAME
Many experts maintain that there were no real causes for the hryvnia downfall. The blame for it must be taken by the NBU and Pres Yushchenko as well as the cabinet for failing to react adequately to what the first two were doing.
 
When the dollar craze began in Ukraine, the country’s trade balance was the same as Armenia’s, Georgia’s, Moldova’s and Tadjikistan’s. Although some of these countries have even a worse trade balance, their national currencies were sinking by a mere 1.5-2% in a month.
 
A simple assumption can be made: by fanning inflation and forcing companies to go bankrupt, Ukrainian and other tycoons will soon be able to buy them up for a song. In what appears to be a well-orchestrated scenario, NBU Governor Stelmakh and NBU board members (P.Poroshenko, A. Kliuyev and others) handed out millions of hryvnias to their insider banks that launched a massive attack on the hryvnia.
In a telling example, the Ukrhazbank owned by Mr. Horbal, one of NBU board members, was selling dollars last week at a highly speculative rate of 7.5 hryvnia. Was it Mr Horbal’s way to stabilize the currency market?
HYPOCRITICAL MOVES BY PRESIDENT
The NBU has a lot of levers to rectify the situation but, strangely, it has not used them.  On Dec. 1, Viktor Yushchenko gave a stern warning to NBU Governor Stelmakh, saying he would fire him unless the hryvnia stabilized. The incumbent even specified the exchange rate of 5.8 to 5.9 per $1 he wants for the hryvnia. Nothing has happened ever since, neither the first nor the second. Result: Stelmakh is still NBU governor.
 
Now, as many new facts have surfaced, we see that the NBU cashed in on the financial slump, playing its own sinister role. The central bank wouldn’t have dared to behave so blatantly without a blessing from the highest office.
In a quite hypocritical move, Pres Yushchenko stated on Dec. 2 that there are no economic or financial grounds for the hryvnia devaluation. 
Commenting on the panic buying of dollars, he pinned the blame on the “psychological factor”, accusing the NBU and cabinet of being unable to cope with the panic among Ukrainians. 
Faced with a barrage of presidential criticism, Premier Yulia Tymoshenko dismissed accusations of inadequate reaction, stressing that, first, the NBU is not accountable to the cabinet under the Constitution, and, second, that Stelmakh is a close associate of Yushchenko and bringing him to heel was easy for the incumbent. 
 
LAWMAKERS THREATEN PROBE INTO NBU OPERATIONS
Meanwhile, Rada lawmakers have threatened to bring Stelmakh to account. Dec. 2, Anatoly Hrytsenko, head of VR committee on defense and security, proposed opening a criminal investigation into Volodymyr Stelmakh’s track record as NBU governor.  
In a related move, Regions lawmaker Mykola Azarov has publicly lashed out at the NBU and tabled a motion to create an investigation commission in parliament to examine the NBU activities. Given a negative assessment by the commission of his work, Stelmakh can be fired by the Rada without Yushchenko’s consent. 
“When NBU operations began to threaten hryvnia stability and the country’s financial system, lawmakers set up a work group to examine the NBU activities since the start of 2008. The group has reached a conclusion that there were not only blunders but also corrupt dealings and law violations,” Azarov stressed. 
 
It is becoming common knowledge in Ukraine that all personnel appointments by the president seem to have their concrete monetary dimension – in terms of kickbacks. A group of people have lined their pockets as a result of the hryvnia fluctuations. If the group’s profits were low, Stelmakh wouldn’t be governor of NBU.
 
This is the bottom line of what is happening around the Ukrainian currency. No doubt, like in the similar past hryvnia downfalls, in a couple of weeks the hryvnia will be stabilized, but the wallets of ordinary Ukrainians have already been made lighter by 160 billion hryvnia ($23 billion), Yury Kostenko said (incidentally, a loyal Yushchenko supporter), putting forward his Ukrainian People’s party demand to the incumbent to fire Stelmakh).   
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10.  TOUGH MEDICINE NEEDED FOR UKRAINE’S ECONOMIC WOES
 
COMMENTARY & ANALYSIS: By Volodymyr Lanovy
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Prague, Czech Republic, Wed, Dec 03, 2008
 
The economic crisis in Ukraine has become a reality: enterprises are halting production, bank branches are going into liquidation, employees are being laid off. It is hard to remember that as recently as three months ago economic-development indicators were steadily rising. One has the impression the country has been swept up in an unexpected tsunami.

The metaphor is apt, even though to a considerable extent the crisis crept into the homes of average Ukrainians bit by bit. In the first half of this year, interest rates soared and the hitherto stable value of the hryvnya was shaken. Investments in the economy dried up, and the construction sector slowed down.

But an economic tsunami did roll over us from the outside. And its effects were hard felt in Ukraine, a country that is neither among the high-technology countries of the West nor among the oil-and-gas giants of the East. Like most countries in the world, Ukraine is between the former and the latter and seems to have been hit from both sides.

First, Ukraine — like all the other countries of the world — has become an unwilling financial donor to a void that opened up in the United States. The outflow of capital from our country has resulted in a catastrophic plunge of the stock-market indexes and an abrupt decapitalization of Ukrainian enterprises. By contrast, the U.S. markets have seemed virtually stable.

Second, Ukraine — like many Western countries — was vulnerable because the economy had been weakened by inflated global prices for oil and gas. Before the crisis struck, Ukraine was de facto a major contributor to the Stabilization Fund in Russia. Kyiv had no opportunity to build up its own reserves like Russia, many Persian Gulf energy producers, China, and other countries were able to do. Now those countries have funds to provide assistance to their own banks and companies and even to offer credit to Western countries. Ukraine is left to compete with other countries for help from the International Monetary Fund or to cope on its own.

Third, Ukraine’s economy was relatively weak even before the crisis struck. It is already in its second year of a rapidly rising trade deficit and a negative hard-currency-payments balance. This situation meant that the halt of foreign-capital inflows brought on by the crisis has struck the national currency hard, producing a sharp decline in production and consumption.

Fourth, the slowdown of commodities markets abroad means a decrease in orders for Ukrainian industrial and agricultural products, decreases in the prices for key exports, and sharp losses for major enterprises.

MAJOR REFORM NEEDED 

Clearly, Ukraine’s recovery plan must extend beyond merely addressing the immediate effects of the crisis. Ukraine must not only cover financial deficits and credits, but it must also recover the position of its enterprises on global markets and ensure that production is sufficient for domestic demand.
 
A recovery program should include both immediate, extraordinary measures to counter various financial implosions and a complex of structural and institutional reforms, without which we will be unable to compete in today’s globalized and pitiless world.

Over the long term, global economics will come down to a struggle among countries for a share in the global investment flow. Therefore, it is essential that our national anticrisis program include reforms that will make Ukraine a worthy competitor in this struggle.

Ukraine must improve its hard-currency, credit, and investment markets. They must be deregulated, transparent, accessible to everyone globally, and protected against administrative interventions.

It must implement far-reaching tax reform to reduce corporate and individual taxes, while also introducing mandatory contributions to the state’s pension, insurance, and environmental funds. It should impose taxes on real estate and the consumption of energy and natural resources.

Kyiv must reform the stock exchange to protect the rights of minority shareholders, mandate transparency in corporate accounting and reporting, and introduce online trading. It must create investment banks and encourage public share offerings. It must adopt a broad program of demonopolization and credible antimonopoly regulation.

It must introduce market-oriented reforms of key sectors that remain under state control: the fuel and energy complex, agriculture, machine building, transport, road management, telecommunications, housing and utilities, and others. The country must also face the fact that its management system is shortsighted, cumbersome, onerous, and inefficient.

Yes, there is work to be done.

NOTE: Volodymyr Lanovy was Ukraine’s economy minister and first deputy prime minister in 1992 and head of the State Property Fund in 1997-98. The views expressed in this commentary are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of RFE/RL.

 
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U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC) www.usubc.org.
Promoting U.S.-Ukraine business & investment relations since 1995. 
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11.  MARS UKRAINE JOINS U.S.-UKRAINE BUSINESS COUNCIL (USUBC)

Confectionery, food, beverage, health & nutrition, pet care products company. USUBC member 98.
 
U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), Washington, D.C., Tue, Dec 2, 2008

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Mars Ukraine has been approved for USUBC membership, according to the USUBC executive committee, in an announcement on behalf of the entire USUBC membership. Mars Ukraine is USUBC member ninety-eight. 
 
Mars, Incorporated is a family owned company, with six industry leading business units – Chocolate, Petcare, Food,  Drinks, Symbioscience and now Wrigley Gum and Sugar. Headquartered in McLean, Virginia, Mars, Incorporated operates in more than 79 countries.

 
With the addition of Wrigley, a recognized leader in confections with a wide range of product offerings including gum, mints, hard and chewy candies, lollipops, and chocolate, Mars has grown from approximately 50,000 to 65,000 associates worldwide and from $22 billion to $28 billion in annual
revenue.
The combination of Mars and Wrigley brings together two strong, international businesses and creates one of the world’s leading confectionery companies. The portfolio spans a variety of categories such as confectionary items, main meals, side dishes, beverages, snack foods, frozen snacks, organic foods, pet foods, and now also includes Wrigley’s vast portfolio of gum brands and sugar items.
 
Founded in 1911, Mars manufactures and markets a variety of products under many of the world’s most recognizable trademarks, including DOVE®, MILKY WAY®, M&M’S®, SNICKERS®, MARS®, UNCLE BEN’S® Rice, ROYAL CANIN®, PEDIGREE® and WHISKAS® pet care products, STARBURST®, SKITTLES®.
DENIS YAROTSKY, GENERAL MANAGER, MARS UKRAINE
Denis has started his successful career with Mars back in 2001 as Marketing Manager. His last position before coming to Ukraine was the CIS Snackfood Marketing Director, member of Management Team, in Moscow. Denis started as General Manager of Mars Ukraine in March 2008 when his predecessor Robert John Woodcraft retired. Denis will represent Mars Ukraine on the USUBC board of directors.
 
Mars started operations in Ukraine 14 years ago. It was a representative office until year 2004 when full fledged business operations were established. Since that time Mars Ukraine has become one of the fastest growing FMCG companies in the country. Today Mars Ukraine is undisputed leader in both categories where it competes: Chocolate Bars and Pet Care. In Ukraine Mars is present with its global brands M&M’S®, SNICKERS®, PEDIGREE®, WHISKAS®.
Mars Ukraine plans to build a large pet food plant in Ukraine.  However various legislation issues in Ukraine have made it difficult for businesses to pursue these plans.
 
PURCHASES WM. WRIGLEY JR. COMPANY
Mars, Incorporated (“Mars”) announced recently it has successfully completed its acquisition of the Wm. Wrigley Jr. Company (“Wrigley”), following approval of the transaction by Wrigley stockholders on September 25, 2008 and receipt of all necessary regulatory approvals.
The Wm. Wrigley Jr. Company is a recognized leader in confections with a wide range of product offerings including gum, mints, hard and chewy candies, lollipops, and chocolate. The company distributes its world-famous brands in more than 180 countries.
 
Three of these brands – Wrigley’s Spearmint®, Juicy Fruit®, and Altoids® – have heritages stretching back more than a century. Other well-loved brands include Doublemint®, Life Savers®, Big Red®, Boomer®, Pim Pom®, Winterfresh®, Extra®, Freedent®, Hubba Bubba®, Orbit®, Excel®, Creme Savers®, Eclipse®, Airwaves®, Solano®, Sugus®, P.K.®, Cool Air® and 5™.
For additional information about Mars please visit their website: www.mars.com
 
“USUBC is very pleased to have Mars Ukraine, as a new member” said Morgan Williams, SigmaBleyzer, who serves as president of USUBC.  “USUBC has grown very rapidly during the past 22 months and now has a membership base which allows USUBC to provide its members such as Mars Ukraine with a full-time operation and a significantly expanded program of work,” according to president Williams.
 
USUBC MEMBERSHIP WILL TOP 100 IN 2008
Mars Ukraine is the 48th new member for 2008, and the 78th new member since January of 2007. USUBC membership has quadrupled in the past 24 months, going from 22 members in January of 2007 to 98 members in December of 2008. Membership is expected to top 100 this year.
 
The new USUBC members in 2008 include MaxWell USA, Baker and McKenzie law firm, Och-Ziff Capital Management Group, Dipol Chemical International, MJA Asset Management, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, Halliburton, DLA Piper law firm, EPAM Systems, DHL International Ukraine, Air Tractor, Inc., Magisters law firm, Ernst & Young, Umbra LLC., US PolyTech LLC, Vision TV LLC, Crumpton Group, Standard Chartered Bank, TNK-BP Commerce LLC, Rakotis, American Councils for International Education, Squire, Sanders & Dempsey LLP, International Commerce Corporation, and IMTC-MEI.
 
Additional new USUBC members in 2008 are: Nationwide Equipment Company, First International Resources, the Doheny Global Group, Foyil Securities, KPMG, Asters law firm, Solid Team LLC, R & J Trading International, Vasil Kisil & Partners law firm, AeroSvit Ukrainian Airlines, Anemone Green Capital Limited, ContourGlobal, Winner Imports LLC (Ford, Jaguar, Land Rover, Volvo, Porsche), 3M, Edelman, CEC Government Relations RZB Finance LLC (Raiffeisen), IBM Ukraine, SoftServe Inc., The Washington Group (TWG), SE Raelin/Cajo, Inc., AnaCom, Inc., Pratt & Whitney – Paton and
Mars Ukraine.
 
The complete USUBC membership list and additional information about USUBC can be found at: http://www.usubc.org.
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12.  UKRAINE: IMB GROUP BEING REBRANDED, ALLOCATES $100 MILLION
FOR ACQUISITION OF UKRAINIAN BANKS WITH WORLD BANK’S SUPPORT
 
IMB Group, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wednesday, November 12, 2008

KYIV – IMB Group (Public) Limited, a parent company of International Mortgage Bank and Family Credit ™, a leader of the Ukrainian consumer loan market, last week made the decision to update its strategy.

 
The key elements of a new strategy will include a rapid growth in short-term retail loans, including consumer (installment) loans, cash loans and credit cards, attraction of deposits and discontinuance of mortgage lending. As a part of the new strategy, the company also plans to deal with consolidation of the Ukrainian banking sector.
 
To achieve these goals, the company will allocate a total of $100 million both in its own capital and in credit lines from the International Finance Corporation, a member of the World Bank Group. To implement the new strategy, the IMB Group (Public) Limited companies will be incorporated under new brands: PLATINUM BANK (previously – International Mortgage Bank and Family Credit™) and PLATINUM HOLDING (previously – IMB Group).
Greg Krasnov, CEO of PLATINUM HOLDING, said: “Today, our bank is the most highly capitalized and liquid bank in Ukraine. This excessive liquidity can be used to support the Ukrainian banking sector. At the same time, we can speed up implementation of the new strategy through acquisition of banks that experience problems with liquidity. Such use of the long-term debt is going to be more efficient than further development of the mortgage business, whose investment attractiveness has declined substantially due to the financial crisis.
 
“The consolidation rationale is also supported by the fact that our international management team has a strong know-how in the banking industry, including the crisis management and integration areas. We are pleased that our shareholders, including World Bank, support the new strategy and are ready to provide additional capital for its implementation.”
The company plans to implement rebranding during the 1st quarter of 2009. When screening banks for acquisition, in the first place, the company will assess the potential of the existing retail network of the banks under consideration, including the existing retail deposit base. The consolidation strategy will be primarily focused on medium banks with a deposit base of UAH250 million to UAH1 billion.
NOTE: Platinum Holding (previously – IMB Group) is a 100% parent company of Platinum Bank (which was previously known as International Mortgage Bank and operated under the Family Credit trade mark), a leader of the Ukrainian retail loan market. Platinum Bank offers consumer loans, cash loans, credit cards and deposits through a broad network of branches and customer service points throughout the country.
 
As of September 30, 2008, consolidated assets of Platinum Holding amounted to UAH1.142 billion, while its equity capital was UAH736 million and its long-term credit lines were UAH363 million. In terms of the consolidated equity capital, Platinum Holding ranks 10th in the rating of Ukrainian banks.
 
Major shareholders of Platinum Holding include international private equity funds such as Horizon Capital, Warburg Pincus, East Capital, Goldman Sachs, as well as the International Finance Corporation (a member of the World Bank Group) and the management. The company’s partners in long-term debt funding include Western government agencies such as the International Finance Corporation, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (USA), the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and FMO (the Netherlands.)
 
NOTE:  Horizon Capital is a member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), Washington, D.C., www.usubc.org.

LINK: http://www.horizoncapital.com.ua/files/press_2008/press_release/Press%20Release_IMB%20Group_Eng.pdf

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13.  EPAM SYSTEMS ADVANCES TO 190TH PLACE WITHIN THE LIST
OF WORLD’S 500 LARGEST SOFTWARE AND SERVICE PROVIDERS

EPAM Systems, Lawrenceville, New Jersey, Monday, December 1, 2008

LAWRENCEVILLE, NJ – EPAM Systems, Inc. , the leading software engineering and IT Outsourcing (ITO) provider with delivery centers in Central and
Eastern Europe (CEE), announced today that it has advanced to the 190th place on Software Magazine’s annual ranking of the world’s 500 largest
software and service providers — The Software 500.

EPAM is proud to be named on the prestigious The Software 500 list along with 29 of its ISV (Independent Software Vendors) clients, ranging from
promising start-ups to global software leaders including three of the Top 10 honorees on the list.

Since its inception in 1993, EPAM has enabled ISVs and other technology focused organizations to build, maintain and support world-class software
products.

Today, utilizing the talent and experience of thousands of engineers located in advanced development centers across Central and Eastern Europe, EPAM
covers the complete software development lifecycle from research to prototyping and development, testing, deployment, maintenance and support for variety of products including world’s leading ERP and eCommerce applications as well as specialized embedded software that controls some of the most sophisticated electronic devices.

In addition EPAM offers its unique ability to deliver complex distributed professional services including architecture level consulting, product
customization, porting and cross-platform migration, as well as deployment of mission critical enterprise level highly customized solutions built on
top of the standard product functionality.

“We would like to congratulate our 29 ISV clients who made this year’s list. We extend our thanks for the opportunity we have enjoyed to grow together
and to leverage each other’s strengths,” commented Arkadiy Dobkin, EPAM’s President and CEO, noting: “We are also confident that many of our younger,
but nevertheless innovative and fast growing clients will make the list in coming years.”

ABOUT DIGITAL SOFTWARE MAGAZINE, THE SOFTWARE

DECISION JOURNAL AND SOFTWAREMAG.COM
The Software 500 is a revenue-based ranking of the world’s largest software and services suppliers targeting medium to large enterprises, their IT
professionals, software developers and business managers involved in software and services purchasing.

According to the results of the survey, the software industry continues to grow in total revenue, representing growth of 14.7% from the previous year,
while the total employee growth rate of 1.3% shows modest increase compared to 2007. “The Software 500 helps CIOs, senior IT managers and IT staff
research and create the short list of business partners,” said John P. Desmond, Editor of Software Magazine and softwaremag.com.

Digital Software Magazine, the Software Decision Journal, has been a brand name in the high-tech industry for 30 years. Softwaremag.com, its Web
counterpart, is the online catalog to enterprise software and the home of the Software 500 ranking of the world’s largest software and services companies, now in its 26th year. Software Magazine and Softwaremag.com are owned and operated by King Content Co., www.softwaremag.com.

ABOUT EPAM SYSTEMS
Established in 1993, EPAM Systems, Inc. is the leading global software engineering and IT consulting provider with delivery centers throughout Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Headquartered in the United States and serving clients worldwide, EPAM provides software development and IT related
services through its more than 4,500 professionals deployed across client delivery centers in Russia, Belarus, Hungary, and Ukraine.

EPAM’s core competencies include complex software product engineering for leading global software and technology vendors, as well as development,
testing, maintenance, and support of mission critical business applications and vertically oriented IT consulting services for global Fortune 2000
corporations.

EPAM is ranked among the top companies in IAOP’s “The 2008 Global Outsourcing 100” and in “2007 Top 50 Best Managed Outsourcing Vendors” by
Brown-Wilson Group’s Black Book of Outsourcing. Global Services Magazine recognized EPAM in its “2008 Global Services 100” list as the No.1 company in the “Emerging European Markets” and included EPAM into the global Top 10
“Best Performing IT Services Providers” .

For more information on EPAM Systems, Inc., please visit www.epam.com. For further information contact Alena Busko, Marketing Manager
EPAM Systems, Delivering Excellence in Software Engineering, Office phone: +1 (609) 613-4031, ext. 50474, E-mail: press@epam.com.

NOTE:  EPAM Systems is a member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), Washington, D.C., www.usubc.org.
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14.  UKRAINE’S THREAT REDUCTION PROGRAM SUPPORTED BY U.S.
NOW SUPPORTED BY $37 MILLION SUB-CONTRACT FROM BLACK
& VEATCH TO SOUTHERN RESEARCH INSTITUTE
 
Southern Research Institute, Birmingham, Alabama, Monday, December 1, 2008
BIRMINGHAM, Ala.  – Southern Research Institute, a not-for-profit scientific organization that conducts basic and applied research in the areas of preclinical drug discovery and development, advanced engineering, environmental and energy production, today announced that it has been awarded a subcontract from Black & Veatch [Kansas City, MO, USA] to support the U.S. Department of Defense’s Biological Threat Reduction Program (BTRP) in Ukraine.
The award is expected to generate up to $37 million in revenues for Southern Research over the next five years. “We are honored that Black & Veatch has selected our Southern Research team to provide support for such an important global program,” said John A. “Jack” Secrist III, Ph.D., president and CEO of Southern Research Institute.
 
“Working with Black & Veatch on the Ukraine task order will allow Southern Research to not only contribute to the safety and well-being of the United States, but to use our knowledge and expertise for global safety as well.”
As the prime integrating contractor, Black & Veatch will design, engineer and deploy systems, processes and technologies to further strengthen reporting, detection and response capabilities. Southern Research will provide a wide range of scientific consulting in the design and implementation of modern diagnostic laboratories throughout the Ukraine.
Additionally, Southern Research will facilitate collaborative research projects conducted by US-Ukraine interdisciplinary teams. The Southern Research biological threat reduction program will be managed by Mary Guttieri, Ph.D., based in Washington DC, in conjunction with William Severson, Ph.D. and Colleen B. Jonsson Ph.D. based in Birmingham, Ala.
The Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA), the BTRP’s implementer, awarded Black & Veatch, a leading global engineering consulting and construction company, one of the agency’s major Biological Threat Reduction Integrating Contracts (BTRIC), with a collective ceiling of $4 billion over 10 years among the five selected contractors.
 
As part of the BTRIC, Black & Veatch was selected and awarded the first task order in Ukraine valued at more than $175 million during an initial five-year timeframe to include options.
The task order includes enhancing the Ukraine’s existing network of human and veterinary diagnostic laboratories that handle especially dangerous pathogens.
 
It also involves strengthening biosafety and biosecurity measures to combat bioterrorism and prevent the proliferation of biological weapons-related technology, pathogens, and expertise while enhancing the government’s existing disease surveillance systems to detect and report bioterrorism attacks, epidemics and potential pandemics.
ABOUT DTRA 
DTRA safeguards the United States and its allies from weapons of mass destruction (chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear and high explosives) by providing capabilities to reduce, eliminate and counter the threat and mitigate its effects. This combat support agency serves as the intellectual, technical, and operational leader for the Department of Defense in the national effort to combat weapons of mass destruction. Established in 1998, this year DTRA celebrates 10 years of creative solutions through teamwork.
ABOUT BLACK & VEATCH 
Black & Veatch is a leading global engineering, consulting and construction company specializing in infrastructure development in energy, water, telecommunications, and management consulting, federal and environmental markets. Founded in 1915, Black & Veatch develops tailored infrastructure solutions that meet clients’ needs and provide sustainable benefits.
Solutions are provided from the broad line of service expertise available within Black & Veatch, including conceptual and preliminary engineering services, engineering design, procurement, construction, financial management, asset management, program management, construction management, environmental, security design and consulting, management consulting and infrastructure planning. With $3.2 billion in annual revenue, the employee-owned company has more than 100 offices worldwide and has completed projects in more than 100 countries on six continents. The company’s Web site address is www.bv.com.
 
ABOUT SOUTHERN RESEARCH 
Southern Research Institute is a nonprofit 501(c)(3) scientific research organization that conducts basic research in drug discovery for cancer, emerging infectious diseases, and diseases of the central nervous system; contract preclinical drug and vaccine development, and advanced engineering research in materials, systems development, environment and energy.
Our more than 600 scientific and engineering team members support clients and partners in the pharmaceutical, biotechnology, defense, aerospace, environmental and energy industries. Southern Research is headquartered in Birmingham, Ala., with facilities also located in Wilsonville, Ala., Anniston, Ala., Frederick, Md., Durham, NC, and Fort Leonard Wood, Mo.
 
For more information about Southern Research and its capabilities and accomplishments, visit www.SouthernResearch.org
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15.  WHERE EAST MEETS WEST: EUROPEAN GAS AND UKRAINIAN REALITY 

 

By Edward Chow and Jonathan Elkind, The Washington Quarterly, pp. 77 – 93
Journal of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Washington, D.C., January, 2009
 
NOTE: Edward Chow and Jonathan Elkind have written an article in the January 2009 issue of The Washington Quarterly.  The article, entitled “Where East Meets West: European Gas and Ukrainian Reality,” explains how Ukraine is caught between the old, post-Soviet world and the new, European one that it desperately wants to join. By focusing on Ukraine’s natural gas industry, the authors have highlighted the dilemmas facing Ukraine and Europe, as it reconsiders Ukraine’s bid to join the European security community. 
 
Edward Chow is a senior fellow in the CSIS Energy and National Security program and a former international oil industry executive. He can be reached at EChow@csis.org. Jonathan Elkind is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and previously served on the staff at the National Security Council. He can be reached at jelkind@brookings.edu.
 
WHERE EAST MEETS WEST: EUROPEAN GAS AND UKRAINIAN REALITY
Ukraine is caught between the old post-Soviet world and the new, European one
 
On January 11, 2008, on the eve of the NATO summit meeting in Bucharest, the Ukrainian president, prime minister, and parliamentary speaker wrote to Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, asking that Ukraine be invited to begin a Membership Action Plan (MAP) leading to membership in the Alliance. (1) In April, the NATO heads of state deferred the issue of MAP for Ukraine, and fellow aspirant Georgia, saying that progress should be assessed at the December 2008 NATO ministerial. (2)  In that same month, after a tumultuous year of political recriminations and policy deadlock within the ruling coalition, Ukraine is also scheduled, to have its third pre-term parliamentary election in three years.
These events shine a harsh spotlight on the current policymaking environment in Kyiv, and also on the country’s longstanding aspiration to join the Euro-
Atlantic community. At present, Ukraine is caught between the old, post-Soviet world and the new, European one that it says it wants to join. Nowhere is this clearer and more consequential, both for Ukraine and for the Euro-Atlantic community, than in Ukraine’s natural gas industry.
 
While Ukraine plays a critical role as the key transit connection between gas producers in Russia as well as Central Asia and gas consumers in the EU, its incomplete market economic transition and culture of corruption weaken its own energy security, destabilize its economy, destroy public trust in its politics, and undermine the interests of its European neighbors as well.
Worse yet, Ukraine’s leverage in the energy marketplace is eroding rapidly. A Ukraine that modernizes the practices in its energy sector can contribute significantly to European security, stability, and economic prosperity. Yet, this is not the role that Ukraine has played since 1991 and, even most disappointingly, not the role the country has played since the dramatic Orange Revolution brought new leaders to power in 2005.
 
Western leaders who have encouraged Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations would be well-advised to examine critically the current state of Ukraine’s gas sector, its implications for the country’s democratic development, and risks for European security as it considers Ukraine’s bid to join the trans-Atlantic community in 2009 and beyond.
UKRAINE’S ABUNDANT ENERGY POTENTIAL 
Ukraine’s corruption and incomplete economic transition weaken its own energy security – and Europe’s
Ukraine’s energy situation is much more complicated and perilous than it should be. The country has a generous endowment of hydrocarbon resources both
onshore and offshore in the Black Sea. It has a capable energy workforce, and long experience in the exploration, production, transportation, and refining of
oil and gas. Most prominently, it is strategically located and has large-scale infrastructure.
Today, roughly 80 percent of the gas being exported from Russia to Europe crosses Ukrainian territory, roughly 120 billion cubic meters (bcm) per year.
This gas originates variously in Russia and Central Asia, and it passes Ukraine en route to European clients who are the best-paying customers of the Russian gas titan, OAO Gazprom.
 
In fact, two-thirds of Gazprom’s revenue comes from the sale of gas that crosses Ukraine, which in turn represents more than 20 percent of growing European gas demand. Moreover, Ukrainian gas throughput can be increased by 25 percent, to roughly 150 bcm per year, on a cost-effective basis, with comparatively modest capital investment relative to all other alternatives.
 
Ukraine also has strategic strength in the form of other energy transportation infrastructure. Its oil pipeline network can transmit roughly one million barrels  of oil per day (nearly 7 percent of total EU demand) to central and eastern European destinations. It also has immense gas storage capacity. The country can store up to 35 bcm of gas (roughly 40 percent of Germany’s annual demand) in underground gas storage systems, which are mainly located in the west of the country – an ideal location for serving European gas customers. Gas storage is a particularly valuable asset because it allows one to match supply, which is basically constant year-round, and demand, which often varies widely due to seasonal changes or other commercial or even strategic factors.
As for its domestic energy production, Ukraine has several hydrocarbon producing provinces onshore and has vast geological potential both on and
offshore. Peak historical gas production was 68.7 bcm in 1975 (more than the total consumption of Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom  at that time), compared to the current production level of 20 bcm.
 
Today there are opportunities for enhanced oil and gas recovery from Soviet-era fields plus previously untapped ”greenfield” opportunities, especially in deeper producing zones and in the Black Sea. Industry experts, both inside and outside Ukraine, commonly believe that with improvements in the overall investment climate and with the right changes to the legal and regulatory environment, Ukraine could double its gas production within a decade.
ENDURING ENERGY INSECURITY 
Ukraine’s gas sector presents risks for European security.
Roughly 80 percent of gas exported from Russia to Europe crosses Ukrainian territory.

Despite this resource potential, strategic location, and existing infrastructure, the country struggles with energy security. The reasons are an incomplete transition to market economics, chronic underinvestment, and profound opaqueness of policymaking, which fuels corruption.
Seventeen years after the break-up of the Soviet Union, the energy economy of independent Ukraine is still frozen in seemingly permanent transition. The
structure of the energy sector, particularly of the oil and gas industry, is a cross between a Soviet branch ministry and private interest groups. The state-owned company, NAK Naftohaz Ukrainy, contains many able and knowledgeable professionals but is overly politicized in leadership, overstaffed, mismanaged, impoverished, and operates under numerous fundamental conflicts of interest.
For example, one of the company’s wholly-owned subsidiaries, UkrTransNafta, operates the country’s oil pipelines and is responsible for determining the  terms on which domestic crude oil is accepted into the system for transportation, including from private oil companies that have invested in exploration and
production (E&P) activities. At the same time, other Naftohaz subsidiaries, some of which have controlling private owners despite being predominantly
state-owned, are also in the business of extracting crude oil. Naftohaz’s subsidiary UkrTransNafta, therefore, is determining pipeline access for private E&P investors even as they compete with other Naftohaz subsidiaries.
Price signals, the most fundamental element of a functioning market, are also profoundly confused and obscured in the Ukrainian energy sector. For example, in its current form, the gas industry employs multi-tier pricing that reduces incentives to conserve a precious resource and enables flourishing graymarket trading.
 
In other words, gas from domestic Ukrainian production is theoretically earmarked for use by residential customers and government-funded organizations at a subsidized price, while higher priced imported gas is meant to be used for industrial consumption. Not surprisingly, this schema is not honored in reality. Politically well-connected individuals and companies use barter arrangements and re-export schemes to profit handsomely while injuring the national welfare. Meanwhile, domestic gas production is depressed by artificially low prices.
Non-transparency reaches its peak in international natural gas trade and transit, where the poster child is the shady middleman, RosUkrEnergo (RUE). The company’s role is a political bone of contention in that an entity with no assets, no track record, and no transparency was placed at the very center of the
Ukrainian gas economy.
 
Moreover, RUE did not even have to compete for this very lucrative position. It is also important to note that RUE was not the first mysterious middleman to operate in the Ukrainian gas sector. One therefore wonders: if RUE is thrown out, as the most senior Ukrainian officials have said they would like to do, would RUE simply be replaced by another nontransparent entity despite all declared policy to the contrary for supply contracts with Gazprom and Central Asian gas producers?
Similar to its predecessors Itera and EuralTransGaz (ETG), RUE makes a fortune by re-selling gas in Ukraine and in neighboring central European
countries which has been imported from, or transported across, Russian territory. Under the January 2006 gas agreement, Ukraine pays RUE in kind by giving it more than 20 percent of the total delivered gas, which is 15 bcm of the 73 bcm that were nominally contracted for 2007.
 
The value of the in-kind gas in late 2007 was $4.35 billion, assuming a gas price of $290 per thousand cubic meters which was a representative price in central and eastern Europe at the time. Today, the value of this gas would be substantially higher, based on prevailing prices for gas. According to numerous press reports and industry rumors, RUE’s ample profits flow into the pockets of well-placed officials in the Russian and Ukrainian gas industries and governmental structures.
The Ukrainian oil and gas sector is dominated, some would say strangled, by parties that control investment decisions and cash flows, but who are not subject to the responsibility of ownership. Typically, company owners must comply with transparent government regulation and must exercise discipline in their operations to deliver financial performance for fear of being rejected by the capital markets on which the company depends. Instead, the parties who control the Ukrainian oil and gas sector use their positions to block development, to extract economic rent, and to pick commercial winners and losers for their personal convenience.
 
For example, only some projects get governmental approvals; only some companies get sought after contracts. Consequently, control over the sector is a major prize in political contests. When one political bloc is uppermost in national politics, no project proceeds without the blessing of, and benefits for, people connected with that bloc. When that group loses the political upper hand, deals are often subject to renegotiation. At the same time, it becomes the job of each successive political opposition to block all policy proposals, even the sensible ones, because the opposition is not profiting. As a result, few major long-term policy initiatives have been enacted or implemented.
One of the most damaging results of this pattern is chronic underinvestment in the oil and gas sector. Opportunities to raise production, increase efficiency,
and improve reliability are lost because short investment horizons dominate. In infrastructure-dependent, capital-intensive, long lead-time industries like oil and gas, such actions severely damage the prospects for progress and development. Consequently, the condition of Ukraine’s oil and gas industry continues to deteriorate.
 
In May 2007, for example, one of the main gas transmission lines near Kyiv experienced a failure and exploded. Had the accident occurred in the winter, when cold temperatures hike demand and when all gas pipelines operate  at peak levels, the incident could have had a major humanitarian impact. Instead, it only signaled the risks of underinvestment in operations, maintenance, and upgrades.
Ukraine consumes between approximately 60 and 75 bcm annually, which makes it the sixth largest gas consumer in the world, with consumption levels
that are completely out of proportion to the size of its economy. (3)  Its consumption equals that of all the Visegrad countries – Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia – combined. Its energy intensity is not only higher than Western European countries, but it is twice as high, or twice as
inefficient, as neighboring Poland. Ukrainian officials and lawmakers make ritualistic comments about the need to reduce energy intensity, but the extent of
real action is very limited.
MISSED OPPORTUNITIES 
Three years after the Orange Revolution, the gas sector is no more transparent that it was.

In the wake of the 2005 Orange Revolution, President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko declared high ambitions for energy sector
reform, increasing public expectations. Three years later, none of the stated intentions and expectations has been met. Most conspicuously, the gas sector
remains as convoluted and impenetrable as ever. In March 2005, Yushchenko declared that gas trade with Russia would be conducted on a cash basis rather than through non-transparent in-kind payments.
 
Yet, no proper negotiation process followed. Throughout the fourth quarter of 2005, tensions over the gas issue grew, and both Russia and Ukraine resorted to the gas equivalent of saberrattling. The Russians’ version of this high-stakes brinksmanship was to threaten to cut off gas supply to Ukraine. The Ukrainian version was to threaten to stop gas transit to Europe.
On January 1, 2006, Russia’s Gazprom reduced gas through put to Ukraine by an amount roughly equivalent to what Ukraine would have been entitled to
extract if a contract were in place. In the midst of a bitterly cold winter throughout Europe, Ukraine apparently retaliated by taking unsanctioned gas from the pipeline system. Foreign governments, especially in Europe and the United States, reacted quickly, criticizing the Russian cut-off and calling for the
two sides to reach a negotiated settlement. Early on January 3, Russia returned the gas pipelines to normal operations, appearing to concede that it had lost the battle for international public opinion.
On January 4, Naftohaz Chairman Oleksiy Ivchenko and Ukrainian Minister of Fuels and Energy Ivan Plachkov announced a new gas agreement with
Gazprom and RUE. To those who had been monitoring the mounting crisis, the agreement was as incomprehensible in its logic as it was unprofessional in its form. Regrettably, it also established the pattern for two subsequent years of negotiations. The result of the early 2006 negotiations was unfavorable to
Ukraine inasmuch as it gave away the previously-agreed nominal gas price of $50 per thousand cubic meters and accepted a nominal price of $95.
 
In exchange for this concession, Ukraine did not receive an agreed pricing formula for future years, which would have removed the opportunity for politically-charged eleventh-hour negotiations. Nor did Ukraine receive agreement on a period for transition to higher prices or a long-term, ship-or-pay volume guarantee from the Russian side, nor any other enforceable contract provisions. Instead, the RUE import monopoly was expanded, and its non-transparent in-kind payment further entrenched.
Late in 2006, under a new government led by Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich of the Party of Regions, Ukraine accepted a nominal price of $130 per thousand cubic meters for 2007. Late in 2008, the nominal price rose to $179.50, again without normal international contract protections. During the
same period, both Belarus and Bulgaria successfully negotiated multi-year gas supply agreements with pricing mechanisms and multi-year periods for transition to ”European” pricing levels with Russia.
 
Neither of these countries has negotiating leverage comparable to Ukraine’s, leverage which reflects the fact that 120 bcm of gas transit Ukraine annually from Russia to European consumers. For reasons that are inexplicable as a matter of basic negotiating leverage, Ukraine failed to secure self-protection that less powerful neighbors managed to secure with Gazprom.
Ukraine claims to receive gas, while Russia claims to sell gas, at nominal prices that do not correspond with reality. These nominal prices have deceived
the Ukrainian public into thinking they were getting a better deal than they are, and have created a disincentive to engage in gas sector modernization, a faulty logic that is based on the fear that Ukraine could not survive economically if it were required to pay European gas prices. False prices and faulty contract compliance also allowed the Russian side to accumulate debt obligations from Ukrainian entities, thus setting the stage for predatory buy-outs by entities with the right connections (whether Russian, Ukrainian, or other).
The mechanism used to mask these false prices is simple. According to the terms of the January 2006 agreement, Ukraine pays a stated price (initially $95 per thousand cubic meters, then $130 for 2007, and $179.50 for 2008) to import up to 58 bcm of gas per year (roughly three-quarters of Ukrainian
demand). To receive that volume of gas for domestic use, Ukraine must actually buy 73 bcm of gas, out of which 15 bcm is transferred to RUE for the ”service” of delivering the total volume of gas to Ukraine. As a result, the actual price paid  by Ukraine is significantly higher than the nominal price, since approximately one of every five cubic meters that Ukraine purchased (15 of 73 bcm) is actually being turned over to RUE, with its beneficial owners pocketing the handsome profits.
In 2007, gas was selling in several central and Western European countries for around $290 per thousand cubic meters on a delivered basis.4 In that same year, Ukraine paid the nominal price of $130 per thousand cubic meters for 56 bcm of gas that was said to be sourced from Central Asia, and Ukraine paid $230 for a further 17 bcm that was said to be sourced from Russia. In aggregate, Ukraine paid $11.19 billion for 73 bcm in 2007.  
 
In exchange for that aggregate sum, Ukraine actually received only 56 bcm of gas for its own consumption, making the price Ukraine effectively paid in 2007 for each thousand cubic meter of the usable gas $192.93, not $130. Similarly, the real price in 2008 that corresponds to the nominal price of $179.50 is roughly $240 per thousand cubic meters. For RUE, this arrangement has been exceptionally lucrative. RUE has been able to re-sell at European market value the gas it receives as an in-kind transfer.
 
Certain Ukrainian industrial and export customers are willing to pay close to full value, which means that RUE can pocket literally billions of dollars per year.5 The reason behind RUE’s preferential place in the Eurasian gas trade has never been explained in comprehensible terms. Gazprom and Russian government officials have always blamed the Ukrainians while the Ukrainians have always blamed the Russians.
 
Nonetheless, the simple fact is that Gazprom allowed billions of dollars of value to flow into the pockets of a group of middlemen without demonstrable industry expertise and without compensating Gazprom’s shareholders, or Russian taxpayers, in any commensurate way. And the Ukrainian government and Naftohaz allowed RUE to occupy an absolutely central place in the Ukrainian economy, earning billions from the role, without ever having had to compete for the role or prove its capabilities in any way.
From time to time since 2005, Ukrainian officials have proudly asserted that they have extemporized skillfully, allowing their country to buy time and adjust gradually to higher gas prices. Unfortunately, such claims ring hollow. Three years after the arrival of Yushchenko and the Orange forces, the gas sector is no more transparent than it was in 2004, when RUE’s role was more limited. As of 2008, Ukraine still lacks the stability and predictability that would come from long-term gas contracts.
 
Ukraine also lacks the protections that would come from an international-style agreement that includes all the standard provisions that Gazprom routinely negotiates and concludes with its German, French, or central European counterparties -provisions such as take-or-pay obligations for gas buyers, ship-or-pay obligations for shippers, price adjustment mechanisms, clear arbitration provisions, and many more.
Over the past three years, Ukraine’s negotiating leverage has eroded greatly.
Gazprom is three years closer to its objective of commissioning bypass pipelines that will allow it to transport more of its gas to Europe without having to cross Ukraine. Blue Stream, which passes under the Black Sea to Turkey, is operating at capacity while Nord Stream, which is meant to cross the Baltic to Germany, is proceeding, though not without a number of headaches. And South Stream, which is planned to pass under the Black Sea to Bulgaria, is now under development. All three of these routes will bypass Ukraine entirely.
 
Even without these pipelines being completed, Ukraine’s leverage is rapidly eroding. Naftogaz’s chronic and massive indebtedness – it is currently in
technical default of its international bond obligations – makes Gazprom the only potential purchaser of its remaining valuable assets, namely the trunk gas
pipeline and storage facilities. Gazprom’s dominant position gives Russia the possibility of taking over Ukraine’s decaying infrastructure and strengthening its control over gas exports to Europe, including those from Central Asia, even without having to construct all the bypass pipelines it is planning.
Although gas trade and transit carries the greatest international impact, they are not the only parts of the Ukrainian energy sector that remain distorted and
dysfunctional. Domestic production is stagnant to declining at the time when it should be booming. Investment in exploration and production of Ukraine’s oil and gas resources, which could have been substantial at a time of historically high international prices and constrained access to new prospects, has amounted to a trickle at best.
The sole international competitive bidding for new development that occurred in this entire period, for the Prikerchenskiy offshore block in the Black Sea, has been a classic case of non-transparency, rent-seeking, and professional incompetence. First, in 2005, Ukrainian officials deliberately chose not to employ standard marketing techniques that are universally recognized as proven approaches to increase industry awareness of new prospects, and thus
increase potential bids from competing companies. Then in 2006, with the country experiencing political turmoil associated with imminent parliamentary
elections, bids were collected under an ill-conceived process, and a small independent American oil company with modest experience in offshore west
Africa, Vanco, was announced the tender winner.
In late 2007, with yet another new Ukrainian government about to arrive, the terms of the production sharing agreement (PSA) were concluded and
formalized by the outgoing government. The timing struck knowledgeable industry observers as unusual, a long-term deal concluded in haste by a lameduck
government just before its departure. Most observers assumed the deal would be overturned by an incoming government, and unfortunately they were
proven right.
 
In May 2008, it was officially revealed that Vanco’s Pricherchenskiy investor group includes the Ukrainian firm Donbass Fuel and Energy
Complex (DTEK), which is owned by Ukraine’s richest man, Rinat Akhmetov, the force behind the now-out-of-power Regions Party of Ukraine, as well as
other mysterious entities whose ownership and expertise have never been revealed.
 
The second Tymoshenko government, in turn, cancelled Vanco’s license, allegedly due to problems in the fairness and adequacy of the tender process and  license terms, which then led to an open disagreement between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko. In the summer of 2008, Vanco announced it would take the matter to international arbitration. The deputy head of the presidential secretariat stated to the press: ”We do not have the right to revoke the license unilaterally.” (6)
 
This entire experience calls into question Ukraine’s interest in attracting transparent foreign investment into its upstream oil and gas industry. Despite
numerous efforts, no major foreign investor has been able to achieve any success in Ukraine’s upstream oil and gas sector, including Royal Dutch Shell and
Marathon.
 
The nature of the current investment climate should ring alarm bells in the ears of Ukrainian policymakers along with the leaders of the Euro-
Atlantic community. If developing the country’s domestic hydrocarbon resources is a priority for Ukraine, as it should be, and if foreign investment is
essential to the country’s ability to develop those resources in a timely manner, and it is, then it is important to acknowledge that, at present, the investment
climate of Ukraine is highly unattractive.
IMPROVING UKRAINE’S OIL AND GAS SECTOR
In the long run, energy production, transportation, and distribution need to be unbundled.
 
Currently, Ukraine’s oil and gas sector is being operated in a completely dysfunctional manner. Yet, there are several beneficiaries, well-positioned
individuals and key political forces, milking the energy sector, particularly the oil and gas industry, for personal enrichment and as sources for  political funds. The present state of affairs underscores the most essential prerequisite for change in Ukraine’s oil and gas sector: political will. The needs of the nation, for today and tomorrow, are consistently overridden by short-term political expediency and personal gain, creating a corrosive effect on the entire political system, as it contributes to a broad loss of faith in the political process among the Ukrainian public.
 
The open and free press that has exposed the corruption underlying the oil and gas industry, however, is one of the truly important and hopefully lasting changes after the Orange Revolution. Today’s energy policy, which serves the interests of certain political elites rather than the country, poses imminent danger to the nation, yet it is not being addressed with any sense of urgency. To date, no political faction has demonstrated a willingness to put aside parochial interests for the good of the nation, a reality that must be changed if Ukraine is to pursue membership in the Euro-Atlantic community.
As experience around the globe will attest, sound energy policymaking is a difficult task. The United States, and many other political cultures that are far
more settled than Ukraine, struggle to make good choices in energy policy. Effective energy policy requires political leadership, economic analysis, public
dialogue, consensus building, commercial awareness, planning, and professional execution, not the enunciation of lofty goals.
 
Energy policy should be based on sound priorities, action plans, intermediate objectives, and realistic timetables. At present, Ukrainian officials betray a lack of seriousness on energy strategy, which undercuts the ability of commercial and public decision makers to plan energy-related aspects of their future, and reinforces already high public cynicism about the mishandling of the energy sector.
Gas supply and transit, which have been the source of so much controversy and intrigue since Ukrainian independence, must form the core of a sound
Ukrainian energy strategy. Ukraine could credibly set the goal of reducing its reliance on imported gas from the current level of approximately 75 percent to
50 percent within the next five to seven years. Achieving this objective would require a range of efforts, some related to domestic supply and some to demand.
 
On the demand side, there is great scope for helping Ukrainians, particularly those living in multi-family apartment buildings, to simultaneously reduce their gas consumption and improve their comfort as well as quality of life by investing in energy efficiency. Another essential aspect of this initiative would be to reduce gas consumption by allowing gas prices to increase to full-cost recovery levels and by enforcing payment discipline. This is important because allowing the accumulation of gas debts only makes Ukraine vulnerable to highly disadvantageous debt-equity swaps.
In addition to reducing gas consumption, Ukraine could increase its domestic gas production. Eliminating multi-tiered pricing would encourage new domestic production, because domestic production is currently designated for sale to residential and budgetary-institution consumers, but at only a fraction of the true market value. The current practice discourages domestic production and subsidizes higher-priced imports.
For gas transit, Ukraine’s goal should focus on stabilizing its contractual relationship with Russia. At present, Ukrainian officials constantly declare that
their country is a reliable transit partner, but a short conversation with virtually any European gas industry executive will reveal that this self-perception does not correspond to the understanding of industry experts outside Ukraine. Nearly seventeen years of post-Soviet experience have taught Europeans that Ukraine is the part of the supply chain that often leads to disputes, mutual recriminations, and endless charges and counters charges. It is the weak link.
 
It is hardly surprising that many Europeans conclude that it is better to pay lip-service to the idea of closer gas-related engagement with Ukraine rather than formulate policies that would lead to such engagement. At present, because of the legacy of Soviet-style gas contracts, Ukraine is Russia’s problem to  manage. And Europe does not appear to object to this reality.
Ukraine can transform its reputation by developing policies that aim to improve its reliability as a transit partner. A first step would be to engage in a
systematic internationally-sanctioned assessment of the condition and investment requirements of the Ukrainian international gas transit system (IGTS).
The assessment could identify opportunities to increase operating efficiency and reduce bottlenecks, serving as the basis for increasing Ukraine’s transit revenue by increasing throughput volume, and not by extorting higher transit tariffs as is often proposed by Ukrainian officials. Such a technical audit would be welcome and possibly funded by the donor community. Needed capital improvements can be financed by international credit according to modern business standards.
 
Ukrainian officials often complain that transit across their country is substantially less expensive than across many other European countries which occupy a far less strategic position in the supply chain, a fact borne out by analysis conducted by the Energy Charter Secretariat, among others. Transit across Ukraine, however, comes with an uncertainty premium that the market is no longer willing to bear. Ukraine would be better advised to build market confidence and increase its transit revenues by increasing volume first and only later by increasing transit fees if such increases can be justified by investments to improve reliability and increase capacity in the Ukrainian IGTS.
FIVE STEPS TO ENERGY SECTOR STABILITY 
The essential prerequisite for change in Ukraine’s oil and gas sector is political will.
To achieve the priorities outlined above, Kyiv can take five steps that will help stabilize Ukraine’s energy sector.
 
[1] First, Ukraine should seriously and professionally negotiate with Russia to reach new long-term agreements on gas supply and transit. At this writing, representatives of Naftohaz and the Government of Ukraine continue to negotiate with Russian officials and Gazprom over a future,  multi-year gas agreement and a gas price for 2009. Senior officials from the presidential secretariat and the Tymoshenko government continue to use the gas issue as a cudgel to attack each other in hopes of scoring political points.
 
This is not only unproductive for the country but is also damaging efforts that aim to improve Ukraine’s reputation as a serious and reliable transit country. It is not clear from press reports whether Ukrainian representatives are pursuing a clear negotiating strategy that is informed by expert analysis and supported by duly experienced professionals in fields such as international business practice, law, and finance, or are simply building on old and inefficient policies and practices. In any case, it is hard to imagine why Russia would agree to a firm contract prior to the upcoming, pre-term parliamentary election in Ukraine. Yet, Ukraine’s winter gas supply and Europe’s gas imports depend on agreements that expire on December 31, 2008.
[2] Second, Ukraine needs to transform the state-owned company Naftohaz into a functioning commercial concern. Naftohaz dominates the Ukrainian oil and gas industry in the style of a Soviet branch ministry, and consequently simply hemorrhages money. The fact that Naftohaz remains dominant, despite its
consistent financial losses, reflects a conscious dual choice on the part of successive rounds of Ukrainian legislators, cabinets, prime ministers, and
presidents: first, the choice not to address the utter insolvency of the oil and gas sector and, second, the choice to engage in asset-stripping and rent-seeking.
Naftohaz is on the brink of bankruptcy due to the absence of necessary and crucial reforms in areas like gas pricing. The company is responsible for buying gas for the needs of Ukraine’s population, governments, and some industry, but is unable to collect payment from consumers in amounts sufficient to replace the consumed gas and operate the delivery system. As a result, Naftohaz’s finances have reached the breaking point. It borrows expensively in the debt markets, paying a high premium because of its non-transparent business practices and precarious financial position, and uses the funds for current operations instead of capital improvements.
 
The cycle repeats until Naftohaz is declared to be on the verge of bankruptcy, at which point the government finally steps in and bails out the company, declaring it to be too important to fail. The government then changes absolutely nothing in the way Naftohaz operates, and the whole corrupted process starts over again. Naftohaz received a bailout in early 2008 as the current government entered office but went right back to losing money hand over fist. By summer, a new bailout was already under discussion, and by early October, a new bailout priced at $1.7 billion was announced. (7) Unfortunately, there is no reason to believe that the pattern will not repeat itself yet again.
To end this vicious cycle, Naftohaz must be subjected to fiscal discipline. It needs to be able to charge its customers nothing less than the actual cost of the
delivered fuel. In addition, Naftohaz and all its lenders must be informed that there will be no further government bailouts of the company. Naftohaz’s
operations must be rid of non-core functions, and inherent conflicts among the various Naftohaz functions must be resolved once and for all. In the long run, the essential functions of energy production, transportation, and distribution will need to be unbundled, consistent with European reform efforts, and with
creating a competitive market. In short, Naftohaz must be transformed so that it is no longer a big black hole.
[3] Third, RUE and other middleman firms must be removed. These firms impose a hidden cost not only on Ukraine but also on Russian taxpayers and Gazprom shareholders. RUE also introduces serious risks and instability into the European  gas supply chain. In late April 2008, press reports about a possible new Ukrainian-Russian gas deal indicated that RUE was to be removed, with all wholesale gas to be purchased by Naftohaz while independent gas traders would serve the intermediary function between Naftohaz and end users. Depending on In the long run, energy production, transportation, and
distribution need to be unbundled. implementation, this arrangement could open opportunities for new intermediary companies to establish themselves in the same way as RUE and others did, with all the attendant risks that are discussed above.
[4] Fourth, Ukraine should promote efficiency by reforming pricing and helping consumers use less gas. The danger in multi-tier wholesale gas pricing
is that domestically-produced gas, which is nominally designated for public and household consumption, may get sold on the gray market to domestic industrial users or export buyers who are willing to pay European prices. These illicit sales fuel corruption and muffle the market signal that would otherwise promote increased domestic production and decreased consumption. Serious pricing reform is required – based on a sensible, transparent, and easily understandable rate methodology that allows gas producers or sellers to recoup their costs plus a reasonable rate of return.
Price formation will require capable and independent regulators to operate in a publicly transparent fashion so that the interests of producers and consumers are adequately balanced and duly protected. Price reform will mean higher prices all across the Ukrainian economy, which means the potential for negative impacts on the poor, namely those least able to pay higher prices. In order to lessen the impact on the poor, Ukraine should follow the example of other eastern and central European countries that have already undergone price reform.
 
Energy efficiency programs can help reduce the energy consumption of residential and institutional buildings as a first priority. Lending programs can be created, expanded, or strengthened to allow Ukrainian industry to borrow money in order to invest in upgrades for plants and equipment. And targeted assistance can be introduced to alleviate the burden on those legitimately unable to pay. The current system unfortunately operates in the interest of well-connected gas consumers and penalizes the poor who suffer shortages – making reform a necessity.
[5] Finally, Ukraine needs to improve its investment climate for exploration and production of hydrocarbons. If natural resource endowments were the only relevant factor, Ukraine would be able to produce significantly greater quantities of oil and gas than it does today. Significant improvement to the business climate, however, is required to attract the investment of billions of dollars needed for serious upstream development. Ukrainian energy legislation and regulation will need to be updated to correspond with norms found elsewhere around the globe.
 
The updated system will need to provide for fair access to geologic data, transparent decision making processes, longer licensing periods, use of model contracts, and truly competitive tenders. In other words, almost all of today’s standard practices, which are optimized for insiders and those paying for inside access, would need to be replaced. This will take time. Meanwhile, Ukraine will need a success story or a demonstration case that can prove the country’s new political will to encourage upstream investment.
THE KEY TO EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS 
 
Ukraine is a country generously endowed with many assets. Its well-educated population of 46 million, industrial and technological prowess, huge agricultural potential, and cultural wealth all make it a natural candidate for the Euro-Atlantic community, if that is the wish of its people. The current form of the country’s energy sector, however, needs to be seen for what it is, a major threat to itself and to its neighbors. If Ukraine fails to modernize its energy sector practices, the sector will continue to undermine Ukrainian politics, economy, and energy security. Most importantly, it will threaten Europe’s own  energy security.
Ukraine has the potential to change this story line. Friendly governments and international institutions can help with capacity building for effective policy
execution, but only after the political will for energy reform is in place. Serious energy sector reform would not only help Ukraine but would also stabilize the economic undergirding of all European gas importing countries.
 
In this sense, serious energy reform would arguably be Ukraine’s single most important contribution to improve the security of the trans-Atlantic community. On the other hand, continuing failure to engage in energy reform, when the high stakes are so obvious to all, would be a clear signal that Ukraine is not ready to pursue its stated desire of becoming a more integral part of the Euro-Atlantic community.
 
NOTES:
1. Press Office of President Viktor Yushchenko, ”Joint Address to NATO Secretary General”, January 11, 2008, http://www.president.gov.ua/en/news/8645.html.
2. Bucharest Summit Declaration, April 3, 2008, http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/2008/p08-049e.html.
3. Gas consumption figures drawn from the BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2008, available at http://www.bp.com/productlanding.do?categoryId6929&contentId7044622. GDP figures are purchasing power parity estimates, drawn from CIA’s World Factbook, available at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html.
4. To compare (in a rough manner) the price of gas delivered to a given European country X and the price of gas delivered to Ukraine, one needs to subtract from the gas price in country X the price of transit from Ukraine’s eastern border to country X. For example, in January 2007 Russian gas delivered to France cost on the order of $295 per thousand cubic meters. If one deducts gas costs of transit between Russia and France, the comparable price in Ukraine would have been roughly $230. This is only an indicative comparison and should not be interpreted as implying that there is a standard or an ”accepted” gas price in Europe. Gas prices under a given contract reflect the full range of factors from competitive gas supply to quantity of demand, and from available alternative fuels to skill of the commercial negotiators.
5. Since Ukrainian regulators never based their rate-making calculations on the actual price of gas (rather, they used the nominal price for their calculations) Ukrainian customers never paid the actual replacement cost of the gas they consumed. This fact allowed debt to pile up, which then provided the basis for more non-transparent deals.
6. ”Ukraine president suspends cabinet’s decision to control top state companies,” BBC Monitoring Kiev Unit, May 20, 2008.
7. Alexander Bor, ”Ukraine Orders $1.7 billion Naftogaz Bailout,” Platts Oilgram News 86, no. 198 (October 7, 2008): 7.
 
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