Daily Archives: August 23, 2006

AUR#752 Aug 23 Putin Proposes Economic Counterweight To EU, Customs Union; 15th Independence Day; Telling The World In 2007-2008 About The Holodomor

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               INDEPENDENCE DAY
    THURSDAY, AUGUST 24, 2006
            Ukraine’s 15th Independence Day Since Fall of Soviet Union
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor  
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               –——-  INDEX OF ARTICLES  ——–
              Clicking on the title of any article takes you directly to the article.               
    Return to the Index by clicking on Return to Index at the end of each article
New Europe, Athens, Greece, Tuesday, August 22, 2006
Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, August 22, 2006


Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, August 23, 2006


Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, August 23, 2006
STATEMENT: UCCA Executive Board
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, August 16, 2006

INTERVIEW: With Oleh Rybachuk, Head, Presidential Secretariat
Interview by: Serhiy Leshchenko, UP
Original in Ukrainian, translated by Anna Platonenko
Ukrayinska Pravda on line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, August 14, 2006

8.                                     WHAT REVOLUTION?
EDITORIAL: Chicago Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Monday, August 21, 2006

75th Commemoration of the 1932-33 Ukrainian Terror-Famine-Death-Genocide 
By Morgan Williams
Holodomor Roundtable, IV World Forum of Ukrainians
Ukrainian House, Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, August 19, 2006
UNIAN news agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, August 21, 2006

Ukrainian newspaper 2000, Kiev, in Russian 11 Aug 06; pp e1, e3, e4
BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Wednesday, Aug 16, 2006

New Europe, Athens, Greece, Tuesday, August 22, 2006

President Vladimir Putin has proposed a Russia-led customs alliance of
former Soviet republics, which would eliminate border duties between

member  countries.

The Kremlin leader is the organising motor behind a customs union seen by
Putin as an economic counterweight to the powerful European Union and a
means by which former Soviet republics can integrate their economies.

The customs union is planned as a first step towards the creation of a
common market. They key idea is to launch the project of economic
integration and to advance Russia as the core of this future economic

The Russian government understands that if it would like to be an equal
economic partner to the European Union in the future it had better
consolidate different resources around itself and the best way to do that is
to launch new integration projects in the post- Soviet space.

Today there are only two: Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) and

Common Economic Space (CES). Until now, Ukraine has not officially
opposed the CES, but it has delayed joining the group.

The leaders of the post-Soviet region are also discussing a project of
reform of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States), proposed by

Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev one month ago, and the customs
union of former Soviet republics.

A document instructing the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC)

secretariat and Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan to take steps to build a
legal basis for a customs union was agreed and signed during the informal
EurAsEC summit in Sochi, Russia.

“The ultimate goal of the efforts that are being made is the incorporation
of all EurAsEC members in the customs union,” Putin told journalists
following the meeting in Sochi last Wednesday.

The main problem hindering the establishment of the customs union is the
rate at which laws in each EurAsEC member-state are unified.

The countries would need to reform their economy in order to join this
union. Nazarbayev told journalists that Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan had
agreed on 31 of the 38 documents outlining a common economic space of
post-Soviet countries.

“The other seven will be cleared in October, and these three countries will
set up a normal customs union,” the Kazakh leader said. Russia is eager to
form closer relations with Kazakhstan. The resource-rich country is a major
oil exporter in the region.

Kazakhstan can also influence other regional associations like GUAM
(Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova,) which is considered as a
potential threat for Russian domination in the post-Soviet region.

But GUAM cannot exist anymore without its engine being filled with Kazakh
and Azeri oil. Therefore, closer cooperation with Kazakhstan will help the
Russian government dominate the post-Soviet region.

However, it is unlikely that Russia will be able to recreate its former
Soviet might. Russian resources cannot be compared with the resources

of the old Soviet Union. There is a big difference.

But the creation of an economic integration of former Soviet republics is a
first step towards creating a key power in this region.

The idea is not to push out, but to instead weaken the position of other
global actors like the United States, China and the European Union,
minimising their role as global actors in the post-Soviet region.

The question is what is the European Union prepared to do to counter this
latest initiative spearheaded by Moscow?                    -30-

[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
2.                     PUTIN’S COALITION OF THE WILLING
New Europe, Athens, Greece, Tuesday, August 22, 2006
Russia is set to step up work to form a customs union of former Soviet
republics. During an informal summit in Sochi in southern Russia last week,
leaders of the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) signed documents
on the establishment of a customs union, which envisions no duties or taxes for
imports or exports on the organisation’s territory.

Russian President Vladimir Putin is the organising motor behind the customs
union and the creation of a common market. They key idea is to launch the
project of economic integration and to advance Russia as the core of this
future economic integration.

With WTO membership delayed probably until the end of 2007, Russia is
striving to become a big regional economic player. The customs union is just
one way of doing this.

“The Russian government understands that if it would like to be an equal
economic partner to the European Union, not right know but in the future, it
had better consolidate different resources around Russia and the way to do
it is to launch new integration projects in the post-Soviet space,” Andrei
Ryabov, consultant of the Carnegie Centre in Moscow, told New Europe by

Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov said in Sochi he had asked
pro-Russian Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich “to reflect jointly”
on Ukraine’s possible membership of the EurAsEC and the customs union.

However, political observers say Ukraine wants some privileges in its trade
with Russia and the other former Soviet republics, but only insofar as they
don’t hinder its plans to become a member of the EU.

In the meantime, Ukraine would have to improve bilateral relations with
Russia, including solving the gas problem, and expand economic and

political relations in other spheres.

As for Russia, the creation of an economic integration of former Soviet
republics is a first step in becoming a key regional economic power.

Analysts note that the idea is not to push out, but to instead weaken the
position of other global actors like the United States, China and the
European Union, minimising their role as global actors in the post-Soviet
region.                                              -30-

[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, August 22, 2006
The Verkhovna Rada Head Olexandr Moroz and Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc
(BYuT) leader decided to congratulate Ukrainians on the Independence Day
two days prior its celebration.

“Following a difficult path of its new history, rich in rises and drops,
sprinkled with tears of either joy or sorrow, the Ukrainian state reached a
new stage of socio-political development having created the
parliamentary-presidential republic by its 15th anniversary,” reads Moroz’s

“We approached the European model of the state governing under the form but
embodiment of its content is a long and hard task. We should work a lot over
this challenge,” the Verkhovna Rada press-service cites the Speaker.

“The representatives of different political forces in the newly-elected
government comprehended this, and guided by the national interests signed
the National Unity Pact (Universal),” recalls Moroz.

In her turn Yuliya Tymoshenko “sincerely congratulating with 15th
anniversary of Ukrainian independence” reminded that “the forces alien to
the ideas of free and independent Ukraine had come to power.”

“None of us can lose courage. Each ought to find his place in fight for
Ukraine, his wealthy life and free future,” she says.

“This day has to strengthen our faith in Ukraine belonging to the Ukrainian
nation, in our right to back the Ukrainian independence for this generation,
our children and grandchildren can proudly say: “I am a citizen of Ukraine!”,
appeals BYuT leader.

“I believe in God, you and Ukraine,” adds Yuliya Tymoshenko.

Ukraine celebrates its Independence Day on August 24.
[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]

Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, August 23, 2006
KYIV – Russian President Volodymyr Putin congratulated President
Viktor Yushchenko and all Ukrainians on the Independence Day.
“Our nations always were and stay the closest neighbors bound with
friendship and trust ties,” Putin marks.
“Ukraine and Russia has all means to enlarge bilateral and multilateral
cooperation in the frames of integration process within the Commonwealth
of Independent States,” he adds.
According to the Russian President, power industry, production cooperation,
transport and stimulation of mutual investments are the most attractive
fields for collaboration.

Yet Putin underlines that the two countries have much in common in
humanitarian and cultural spheres too.

He reckons that Ukraine and Russia can reach the real strategic partnership
relying on mutual understanding and compromise approach to the problem
“I wish you success in the government work and people of the amicable
Ukraine happiness and prosperity,” summarizes the Russian President.
[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
    Send in names and e-mail addresses for the AUR distribution list.
Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, August 23, 2006
KYIV – On Monday at the presidential residence in Crimea Ukrainian President
Viktor Yushchenko awarded the craftsperson of art embroidery and Honoured
Art Worker of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea Vira Royik with Hero of
Ukraine title, the presidential press-service reports.

After the award presentation, 95-year-old Royik presented Yushchenko with

an embroidered towel and her book written in 2003.
Yushchenko wondered whether there was her permanent exhibition in Crimea.
The answer was negative.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko ordered his representative in the
Crimea Gennady Moskal to help Royik family to arrange such an exhibition.

As known, on the occasion of 15-year anniversary of Ukrainian Independence,
Viktor Yushchenko is going to award some 700 people.

In 2005 on the occasion of 14-year-anniversary of Ukrainian Independence
Yushchenko awarded 781 people with the various orders and titles.

In particular, in 2005 at Mariyinskiy Palace Viktor Yushchenko awarded
heroine of Orange Revolution Paraska Korolyuk with Order of Princess
Olga.                                             -30-

[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]

STATEMENT: UCCA Executive Board
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, August 16, 2006

The Ukrainian American community has actively worked to restore Ukraine’s
independence for decades. After this dream was realized in 1991, our focus
turned to building a stable system of democratic governance in the country.

During the last 15 years, Ukraine has achieved significant progress in this
respect: the Ukrainian people have internalized democratic ideals and upheld
their right to free and fair elections; Ukraine is at the threshold of
entering the Euro-Atlantic community.

Our community has made a significant contribution to these successes, in
particular, to the development of bilateral U.S.-Ukrainian relations.  It is
our goal to continue actively participating in the process of
democratization so that Ukraine can reclaim its rightful place in the
international democratic community.

During this time of celebration we look back on the progress Ukraine has
made and rejoice together with the people of Ukraine. However, we also
remember that there is much work ahead.

Ukrainians Americans continue to work for the benefit of the Ukrainian
people in Ukraine, as well as the U.S. especially during these trying times
when Ukraine faces the challenge of securing its democracy.

On the occasion of Ukraine’s 15th anniversary of independence, the Ukrainian
Congress Committee of America sends its sincere and heartfelt
congratulations to the Ukrainian American community and encourages it to
appropriately commemorate this event.

Although there is much to be done in the future, we are confident in the
fact that Ukraine will soon take its rightful place as an equal member of
the Euro-Atlantic community.

The UCCA also sends its warmest greetings to the people of Ukraine and asks
God to lend the nation strength in this time when Ukraine’s future is being

We urge our community to take an active part in the civic and political life
of the United States and Ukraine. With your help Ukraine will overcome any
obstacles and will build a democratic, prosperous state ruled by law!


On behalf of the UCCA Executive Board,
Michael Sawkiw, Jr., President
Marie Duplak, Executive Secretary
[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]

INTERVIEW: With Oleh Rybachuk, Head, Presidential Secretariat
Interview by: Serhiy Leshchenko, UP
Original in Ukrainian, translated by Anna Platonenko
Ukrayinska Pravda on line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, August 14, 2006

Oleh Rybachuk is an incurable optimist whatever the situation. And today
this trait shows itself as well:  moreover, he is prone to think that such
an outcome is a great victory and nearly the second ‘Maidan’ of Viktor
Yushchenko. Rybachuk’s mission is not to give himself and others up to

Today Oleh Rybachuk represents an antipode to Granny Paraska psychotype:
he does not welcome any emotionality when dealing with realities, he acts
like a pragmatic, saying that nothing wrong or bad has happened.

However, he is not aware that he is starting to have an implicit faith in
fairy tales: about Yanukovych having an intention to stiffly embody
Yushchenko’s ideology or about Tymoshenko not being able to form
opposition to the president’s policy.

One would sometimes wish to supplement Rybachuk’s remarks with the

words of his predecessor and another antipode: “power is as strong as never

Rybachuk’s being so calm and optimistic can probably be explained this way:
Poroshenko, Gubsky and Klyuev are people of the same outlook to him. He
has long been at bitter enmity with the ‘dear friends’, and holding his new
office he became some sort of a filter to control their admission to

In the end, the negotiations between Yushchenko and Yanukovych, which
came to the end at 2 am on Thursday, did not proceed to designation of the
offices. Poroshenko is said to have been making an attempt to persuade
Yushchenko to allot his government quota “right here and right now”, but
Yushchenko refused.

Those who are in the habit of taking a walk down Gorodetskogo St. at 4
o’clock in the morning would have a good chance to see Poroshenko,

Tretyakov and Zhvaniya standing on the summer verandah in “Fellini”
restaurant, discussing their own and their country’s  future.  Back in 2004,
the day when Kyvalov proclaimed Yanukovych a President, their faces
radiated a greater deal of happiness.

Yushchenko is said to be blaming his fellow sponsors for the situation
taking a ‘Yanukovych turn’ for him. But Rybachuk himself is in no way a
strong President’s favourite now, their relationships tend to be getting
strained now and then.  The struggle for his dismissal is going on.

In order to find the key to Rybachuk’s being in such high spirits these
days, the “Ukrayinska Pravda” has made an attempt to question the head

of Presidential Secretariat in person.

                         INTERVIEW WITH OLEH RYBACHUK
[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] The events which took place on the night of
Wednesday to Thursday have probably set the country’s course for many years
lying ahead. Why are you so pleased with these events? Many people took them
for the President’s defeat.

[Oleh Rybachuk] The thing which has just taken place in Ukraine was faced by
Poland fifteen years ago, when there were two tens of round tables. And they
gave the answer to the question where Poland was making its way to. No
matter who is holding the power, right- or left-wing, rose-coloured, green
or blue, Poland is following its own definite way.

Governments change once a year and once in two years elections take place.
And if the course is changed every time the new government is elected, the
country will be brought to a standstill.

Yushchenko’s key words are as follows: “the thing we need is constancy and
predictability of the country’s course”. It has been long discussed during
the latest negotiation process that because of the element of uncertainty
nobody will take the liberty of dealing with Ukraine.

Everybody has agreed upon the points of the National Unity Pact at some
certain stage of the negotiation process. But there was something holding
everybody back. Party of the Regions frankly feared that the National Unity
Pact would be signed, but the Parliament would then be dissolved. So, that
is why they cherished the editing of every single letter in the Pact.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] Many people tend to regard the situation as if
Yushchenko betrayed Maidan not in word, but in deed!

[Oleh Rybachuk] I have to disagree with that. The strategic victory of
Yushchenko consists in his paving the country’s way for the years ahead.

He managed to bring together and seat down at the negotiating table those
political elites which in the course of previous years used to tear Ukraine
to shreds with their glaring contradictions. He did not betray Maidan!

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] But the fact of Yanukovych being nominated for the
office of a Prime Minister took place on the back of unwillingness of
Yushchenko’s electorate to accept such a step?!

[Oleh Rybachuk] The President’s wisdom consists in his arriving at unpopular
decisions. Was there any other way he could probably solve this political

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP]  Tymoshenko made a suggestion to dissolve the

[Oleh Rybachuk] In terms of what? If there had not been any consensus
reached by the above-mentioned political elites, we would have then been
able to speak the following way: “You know, the country’s course cannot be
predicted. One coalition has been formed and we have not agreed on anything,
another one has been formed and again, nothing has been negotiated.”

Western reporters often ask: “How can that be true? Yanukovych is a
prorussian power, an absolutely different vector!”
This was a grave question for the President, who is the guarantor of the
country’s political course, for he designates it under the Constitution.

But the Ukrainian elections were true and fair, the whole world recognized
them as such. The Parliament and the coalition were formed then. They
nominated Yanukovych for the office of a Prime Minister. The President
issued a corresponding decree.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] Tymoshenko suggested dissolution of the Parliament
since two months went by without forming the new government and that is why
there were solid grounds for the early elections to be conducted.

[Oleh Rybachuk] It is quite a different thing. I have been given so many
lectures on the interpretation of constitutional right, that I can
definitely say I have taken a short course in C.P.S.U.(B.) (Communist Party
of the Soviet Union [Bolsheviks])

It is indeed true that on Wednesday we were one step away from dissolution,
we stood within an inch from it! It was no bluff. We had all the documents
ready and all the consultations as to the dissolution had already been held.
The only thing we did not probably have was an appeal on videotape

Were the Parliament dissolved, I would be at ease and would comment as
follows: “The elites, which happened to get into the Parliament, have not
managed to come to an agreement”.

But we sat up until two o’clock in the morning and we had the same event
that the Poles once faced. Political elites joined hands around national
interest. In this respect, the only foreign-policy course is to become a
member of the European Union.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] What about Ukraine’s integration into NATO?

[Oleh Rybachuk] It is a collective security system. And the National Unity
Pact states: “Entry into NATO after the referendum”. It is a great
compromise on the President’s part since the situation has developed into a
fit of hysteria, when the old women in Crimea see American submarines all
over their cellars. In order to slow down this paranoia one has to give some
quiet explanation: submarines are only to emerge after the referendum.

Ukraine is one of those few countries which submit the question of NATO
membership to a referendum. The alliance does demand this.

At the same time we took down the speculative subject, demanded by the
communists and other parties, which used to be very powerful in their past:
“Referendum is to take place right here and right now!”.

The National Unity Pact states: “Referendum after the completion of all
the procedures necessary for NATO membership”.

In other words, referendum will take place only when we have passed all the
schemes and programs, including the so-called Plan of actions for obtaining
NATO membership; when we receive a corresponding invitation and get our
feet in the door, like Turkey before entering the EU.

I would like to underline that after the revolution Ukraine faced a unique
moment. And Europe has already acknowledged its fault: we should have at
once set a clear perspective for the membership in the EU. And this way it
would have been much faster and easier to achieve our aim.

I tend to believe that after Europe gains an understanding of what has
happened today, it will again be at a loss. Today all the diplomatic world
stood still, being astonished by Ukraine.

For the problem has not been solved by means of tanks and force. The
thing which has been achieved is truly a unification of the country.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] But the ambassadors, for instance, in their private
talks say: how are we to cooperate with Yanukovych if he is directly
responsible for the falsification of elections in the year of 2004? And now
he is the second person in Ukraine!

[Oleh Rybachuk] Indeed. But there is a worldwide thing, known as a probation
period. I believe they will readily cooperate since the first step of
Yanukovych is a great step on the road to eurointegration. What does the
National Unity Pact say?

Ukraine is to become a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) by
the end of the year. In order to achieve this we are to pass resolutions for
twenty parliamentary laws. And who was the one ranting and raving so that
not to let Ukraine join the WTO? Communists and Party of the Regions.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] Would you please tell us what happened yesterday
when being one step away from dissolution Yushchenko called Yanukovych
back and they started this successful process of negotiating?

[Oleh Rybachuk] In the course of consultations as to the dissolution the
President clearly stated his position and the politicians realized that it
is no bluff. In other words, all the dissolution gears were already
triggered off.

In his reply to a direct question whether the Parliament is to be dissolved,
Yushchenko said: “I have received information for my own, thank you. Wait
for the decision to be taken”.

After that Moroz made a speech in the Parliament while Yanukovych stayed at
the President’s office to talk over some important issues. Then Yanukovych
came out and said: “We have agreed that we shall meet again”.

He came back later as he promised. And then the negotiators Azarov and
Klyuev joined him; all the political board of Our Ukraine was there.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] Do you think they were afraid that the Parliament
would be dissolved and therefore became more disposed to compromise?

[Oleh Rybachuk] It is complicated to substitute formal documents for
confidence: that is my life credo. There should always be someone to break
the ice.

There was no confidence, and the President’s logic was as follows: “Firstly,
I have all the formal grounds to dissolve the Parliament, I have no
intention to do this, but two years ago I was also elected with a majority
vote. I am responsible for setting the country’s course under the
Constitution. Where else in the world have you seen a country being so

“If we do not combine our efforts now, if you cannot give an answer to
simple questions: how many official languages we have or whether Ukraine is
a federal or a unitary state, then you are unable to cooperate, to come to
an agreement as to the basic points in the country’s political course and in
this case I have no other alternative but to call the early elections,”
Yushchenko said.

Rybachuk on the balcony of presidential secretariat. Top view.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] What was being discussed at those round tables
which lasted for 10 hours?
[Oleh Rybachuk] The basic things.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] But how is it possible to discuss the basic things
for so long?
[Oleh Rybachuk] It is indeed possible, even if it is twenty hours!

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] They say, Yanukovych and Yushchenko held a
conversation about the formation of Ukrainian nation, Trypillian culture. In
other words, Yushchenko was trying to re-educate Yanukovych.

[Oleh Rybachuk] Trypillian culture was not discussed there. The thing they
were talking about was a close unification of the country, an avoidance of
religious split, the foreign policy.

And there was no re-education. Yanukovych understands that he represents the
power which seeks after the growth of capitalization. For example, Akhmetov
derives no benefit from the unstable situation in the country. Otherwise he
may lose billions of money.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] But the National Unity Pact, signed by Yushchenko,
looks very much alike the one approved by Party of the Regions at the
political board.

[Oleh Rybachuk] You don’t say so! No way! To tell you the truth, there were
15-20 variants of the National Unity Pact. Let us read the item from the
last variant: “An overall development of Ukrainian language as the official
and spoken language in every sphere of social life throughout the whole
territory of Ukraine as the basis of nation’s and country’s

Next, the matter concerns the free use of Russian language. The document is
well-balanced. There is no paragraph in the National Unity Pact that could
be recognized as an absolute version of somebody, either Yushchenko or Party
of the Regions. Any corresponding paragraph had 15 versions and both parties
were ready to compromise.

The principal moment of distrust was based upon the past. We understand that
during the presidential elections two years ago we all were impetuous and we
said so many nasty things to each other.

American technologists, for instance, suggested Party of the Regions to make
use of the language issue. It is an evident technology since one can
immediately keep the electorate in such a way. This technology is used in
many world countries.

Take for example the problem of racial relationships in the USA. The party
which is aimed at getting the majority of votes, picks out a segment and
starts exploiting this issue.

For example, the black population votes for the Democratic Party and the
democrats are doing their best in order to somehow separate their interests.
Obviously, this is typical of any other country.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] In your opinion, will Yanukovych be a Prime Minister
for a long time? Or only for half a year as in case with Tymoshenko in 2004?

[Oleh Rybachuk] It is rather complicated to predict such things today. But
the thing which is truly important today is not Yanukovych, but the very
fact that a very strong system of balances has finally been created. The
next presidential elections are to be held in 2009. In other words, we
should be expecting four years without any elections.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] And all these four years Yanukovych will be a
Prime Minister?
[Oleh Rybachuk] Four years of a stable government is a good ambition.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] By the way, has Yanukovych guaranteed that he
will support Yushchenko’s candidature at the next presidential elections?

[Oleh Rybachuk] Yushchenko does not take any interest in guarantees for it
is complicated to believe in them. I remember the time when all the famous
politicians and participants of the ‘Orange Coalition’ gathered in this
office, and when the conversation turned to the guarantees at the
presidential elections, I said: “Do not even say that!”.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] When signing the National Unity Pact with
Yanukovych, did Yushchenko realize that his main rival at the presidential
elections in 2009 will be Yulia Tymoshenko?

[Oleh Rybachuk] The 2009 elections is the last thing to interest him. And no
matter where Tymoshenko were: in the government or in the opposition, she
would anyway take part in the presidential elections in 2009. It is quite
normal, for it can probably be her lifetime ambition or an aim: to go
through the presidential elections.

And when she says that she will not take part in the elections under these
or those circumstances, I do not believe her! Though, to tell the truth, it
is less likely that Yanukovych will participate in the elections, for good

Tymoshenko cannot be in the opposition to the President’s course.
Tymoshenko can only say that this course is not to be honestly taken.

In this case, let us and the President watch the non-presidential government
of Yanukovych meeting the engagements that he has taken upon himself: giving
votes as to the WTO membership, fulfilling the Plan of actions for obtaining
NATO membership and so on.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] What future do you see under the conditions of
constant destabilization on the part of Tymoshenko-oppositionist?

[Oleh Rybachuk] Very comfortable, I should admit. For instance, I believe in
critics which was heard from Pynzenyk concerning the next year’s budget,
when he says that there have been several attempts to drill a hole in the
budget which is then to be legalized.

This is especially likely to happen owing to the fact that systemic benefits
and free economic zones are to be introduced. As a government
representative, who abolished such norms last year, I claim that there is
such a threat.

Thank God, there is Tymoshenko and such a political power that will not let
anybody sit and twindle their thumbs!  The standpoints of the President and
the opposition will very often be in close agreement.

The government of Yanukovych is not the government of Yushchenko. After
there have been several changes in the Constitution, there is no such term
as “presidential government” any more, this is a coalition government.

Therefore, it is not any longer relevant to appeal to Yushchenko and say:
“Your fellows are responsible for everything” or “The President and the
government  are one and the same”.

Opposition is efficient only when it is able to “X-ray” everything in every
place. Who is Tymoshenko in the past? The head of a budget committee. Who
is Turchynov in the past? The head of a budget committee. And who is
Yushchenko in the past? A Prime Minister who comes to know the particulars
of a budget.

During one of the consultations Yushchenko said to Azarov: “How come that
you have adopted the budget resolution without even having to consult with
the President? Do you really think I will sign it without reading?! That
won’t work!”.

Azarov was greatly astonished for Kuchma never took any interest in the
budget issues!

Indeed, we have another President and another opposition. And there is
always arousing a suspicion that the budget is going to be ‘shared’, as they
say. Under such combinations and experts, and considering such a balance, it
will not be possible to do that.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] But Tymoshenko’s opposition is the opposition using
the slogans “Yushchenko betrayed me for the fifth time” and from now on she
will start a struggle which will last until the presidential elections take

[Oleh Rybachuk] I took part in “Svoboda Slova” (“Freedom of Speech”) TV
programs, I go along both Maidans every single day and I want to say that it
is not possible to be in the opposition to the idea of the country’s

I suggested to Yulia Tymoshenko: “Take the National Unity Pact and tell what
exactly you do not agree with and why you do not wish  to put your signature
to it”. And she said: “Because this Pact is not to be carried into effect”.
But she is rather beforehand in her conclusions!

If the things stated in the National Unity Pact are not to be carried into
effect, such a government will not take a long time to collapse. A wave of
confrontations will develop into a number of resignations.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] You have been referred to as the main team-mate
of Tymoshenko in her fight for the early elections!
[Oleh Rybachuk] So God be praised.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] But she always held consultations concerning the
early elections with you!?
[Oleh Rybachuk] And I will keep on doing this with the only purpose: one
should always have a Plan B apart from a Plan A. Early elections were not a

Plan B was discussed in great detail during all the most private meetings
held in this office: “What are we to do if we encounter an unconstitutional
activities on the part of the anticrisis coalition?”. We were prepared for

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] And you would even use tanks?
[Oleh Rybachuk] Of course not! Tanks with no air-conditioners is something
unreal under such circumstances. The weather is scorching and Ukrainians do
not like that.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] What mechanism of appointing ministers is
established under this coalition?
[Oleh Rybachuk] All the designations are to take place during the
consultations of Yushchenko and Yanukovych.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] And what are the guarantees of this?
[Oleh Rybachuk] No guarantees! There is a delicate moment here: a word
means much more than the guarantees altogether.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] Does Yushchenko regret now that he used to
clamour out the words “cons will never administer state affairs”, “bandits
will never be ministers”?

[Oleh Rybachuk] But Yanukovych as well said that “Yushchenko is an
American agent and his wife is a CIA officer”.  Their accusations were
symmetrical. I wanted to share some thoughts with you.

I have recently arrived at an interesting conclusion, and even if my
relationships with Granny Paraska get spoilt, I will tell you this. We were
sitting at the negotiations with Klyuev, Yanukovych, Azarov, enjoying the
first minutes of surrealistic feelings.

The things happening at that moment reminded me of Spain, when the round
table was joined by the republicans and Franco’s Fascists, who not only
fought, but also shot each other!

Yushchenko was telling Yanukovych about the OUN UPA (Organization of
Ukrainian Nationalists and The Ukrainian Insurgent Army) and saw that
Yanukovych welcomed his words with a thorough grasp.

I remember Klyuev was once using almost obscene words about me in the
Parliament. And yesterday we told completely different things to each other.

I have my backgrounds in Donetsk too. I was recently at my mother-in-law’s
funerals, and those days the 9th of May (the Victory Day) was being
celebrated. I took part in the official events together with the regional

There were the heads of the regional administration and the regional
council. And I saw how people greeted them in the streets. Tens of thousands
of people! And this was not a show! Their leaders, the elite are the people
they had voted for.

When passers-by recognized me, they were asking me to tell the President
that they are not bandits, they are normal people. And this feeling has long
been repressed deep in their hearts. And then I visited the Theatre of
Ukrainian Drama and I was astonished!

A four-hour play in Ukrainian language, the auditorium was crowded and there
was a long queue. And you are talking about the absence of Ukrainian
language in Donetsk.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] There is such an impression that back in 2004 you
were not the head of the President’s office, but an OSCE observer: as though
it was not you who was designing slogans about the Donetsk bandits!

[Oleh Rybachuk] I was not the head of the President’s office only. Unlike
the others, who came with Yushchenko, I had stayed the whole week in
Donetsk. We were attacked there and people hung fascist posters about
Yushchenko. I saw the programs aired on their TV channels. It was not
normal, but it was two years ago.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] And now everything has passed into history?

[Oleh Rybachuk] I am telling you once again, this road of national
reconciliation was walked by the Poles, Spaniards and some other European
nations. But now everything has changed and the circumstances are different.

If somebody goes a criminal way today, he will be thrown into prison.
Because “Ukrayinska Pravda” will take a picture of somebody’s Mercedes,
this picture will be published and the edition will not be closed.

Journalists have become completely insolent! (Is laughing). They have nearly
tortured Kalashnykov to death, so he had to apologize to the whole nation.
And this is not the end. For there is democracy in Ukraine!

And if some minister gets so tempted to steal – let him only try!

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] How does the President see a designation of the
offices in a new coalition?
[Oleh Rybachuk] This is not of a fundamental importance.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] How come? It is people who are responsible for
keeping their words. It is said that there have been negotiations held
according to the following  formula: Poroshenko – the first Vice Prime
Minister, Zvarych – the minister of justice. Is this variant valid?

[Oleh Rybachuk] There have been many negotiations and versions. The thing
which is important is that all the designations will in the end be approved
of after the consultation with the President.

[Serhiy Leshchenko, UP] What part did Rinat Akhmetov play in the course
of these negotiations?

[Oleh Rybachuk] His influence was considerable enough. Although he was
only a number seven in the list of Party of the Regions, he still is a very
powerful person in this fraction.

However, the point is not only about Akhmetov. For example, let us imagine
that the re-elections were to be held, would there be any interest on the
part of those people who run a systemic business in Ukraine?

Would it be a one-against-the-other battle? No way! They need an inflow of
investments, they need incorporation. And they need to be the greatest

They do not need it when there is a Minister for Internal Affairs and then
there is another who would say: “Oh! We will tear you to tatters now!”.

I am convinced that being the Prime Minister, Yanukovych will not subject
the country to repressions. And were there re-elections, they would set the
scenario of sweet revenge.                           -30-
LINK: http://www2.pravda.com.ua/en/news/2006/8/15/6089.htm

[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
     NOTE: Send in a letter-to-the-editor today. Let us hear from you.
8.                                  WHAT REVOLUTION?

EDITORIAL: Chicago Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Monday, August 21, 2006

In late 2004 orange flooded the streets of Ukraine as hundreds of thousands
of people demonstrated for an honest election and a new government. It was
exhilarating to watch the many weeks of peaceful protests lead to an order
by Ukraine’s Supreme Court for a new round of balloting, which brought
opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko into power.

Despite powerful backing from Moscow for Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych,
the reformers had won. Yushchenko was to be president. His ally Yulia
Tymoshenko would be prime minister. The Orange Revolution was complete.

Not so fast. The leaders of the Orange Revolution have gone through a bitter
split and the old regime won a big victory in a recent parliamentary
election. President Yushchenko recently did something that would have been
unthinkable two years ago: He nominated his old foe Yanukovych for prime
minister. The Ukrainian parliament approved the choice.

Some supporters of the Orange Revolution are seeing pure red. And the rest
of the world is left to ask: What revolution? Yulia Tymoshenko called the
new political alliance “an act of political capitulation by the Orange
camp.” Tymoshenko, once a charismatic ally of Yushchenko, is now the leader
of the political opposition.

Yushchenko discovered what many politicians learn: It can be easier to
demand reform than to carry it out. It requires political skill,
particularly in a nation as divided as Ukraine.

His supporters are impatient for the revolution to live up its rhetoric.
Ukraine has not joined the World Trade Organization. Official corruption is
still a serious problem. The promise of jobs through investment from Western
Europe has gone unfulfilled.

And Yanukovych, even in the midst of the protests that led to the new
election in 2004, always had strong support in Eastern Ukraine. He has
retained that political base of support.

So Yushchenko appears to have reluctantly taken the best of some very bad
options. He has cobbled together the only governing coalition he could at
this time. Will this work? They weren’t just hurling angry words in the 2004

In September of that year Yushchenko was poisoned with a heavy dose of a
dioxin chemical that disfigured him–and was clearly intended to kill him.
He became ill after having dinner with the chief of Ukraine’s security

Yushchenko and Yanukovych have far different views on cooperation with the
East and West–particularly with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who was
deeply unhappy about the 2004 results. The ambitious Tymoshenko is waiting
for her former ally to make a misstep.

Perhaps the new governing model will find broad support. But you can’t help
but think Ukrainians will feel a little dismayed and disarmed by the uneasy
alliance running the country. Think of a Bush-Kerry alliance running
Washington, with a little dioxin between friends.               -30-
[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]

       75th Commemoration of the 1932-33 Ukrainian Terror-Famine-Death-Genocide 
PRESENTATION: By Morgan Williams
Holodomor Roundtable, IV World Forum of Ukrainians
Ukrainian House, Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, August 19, 2006
UNIAN news agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, August 21, 2006

Thank you very much for the opportunity to participate in this
Holodomor Roundtable.

First I wish to pay my respects and tribute to Dr. James Mace and his
work regarding the Holodomor (terror-famine-death-genocide) in Soviet
Ukraine.  It does not seem possible that we are having a meeting of this
type in Kyiv without Jim being here and contributing.

It is very important that Jim’s important and outstanding work be
remembered and continued by those around this table.  Corrupt politicians
and corrupt political systems that caused the human spirit to wither and
crushed the life out of millions of people must always be in the forefront
of our research and memory.

Our knowledge of such inhumane and destructive people and systems in
the past must always cause us to stand up and defend freedom and
democracy and fight against modern politicians and political systems that
crush the human spirit and destroy human lives.

I told Jim several years ago that I was not a researcher, scholar or writer.
He said Morgan then your job should be to “tell the world about the

After some study I decided my work would be to assist in telling Ukraine
and the world about the Holodomor ‘through the eyes of Ukrainian artists.’
I have now been working on this task for ten years and expect to be doing
this for many years to come.


Just yesterday, Friday, August 18, a Deutsche Press Agence (DPA) news
story out of Kyiv stated:

     “Ukraine’s national intelligence agency the SBU on Friday opened up
     formerly-secret state archives on brutal Soviet era-famines causing the
     deaths of millions.

     SBU historians after four years of reviewing old KGB records made
     public more than 3,000 pages of 130 official state documents.

     It was the first time any former Soviet republic had released to the
     public archival information concerning the mass starvations, said
     Vasyl Danielenko, an SBU spokesman.

     The entire formerly-classified archive of the former Soviet republic
     Ukraine was now available for viewing in paper or digital format, or at
     the Internet web site www.ssu.gov.ua, he said.

    The Soviet government in its early years of existence presided over
     three deadly and wide-reaching famines – in 1921-22, 1932-33, and

     Between six and ten million Ukrainians died of starvation in 1932-33,
     after Soviet leader Josef Stalin ordered the forced confiscation of
     food from the Ukrainian countryside.

     It was one of history’s worst instances of human-sponsored mass death.

     Many Ukrainians believe Stalin’s goal was the genocide of the Ukrainian
     nation. Known in Ukraine as the ‘Holodomor,’ the 1932-33 famine is
     reviled in Ukraine in a way similar to the Jewish Holocaust

     Some Ukrainians however say the famines were caused by pardonable
     errors by Soviet leaders of the day, rather than an conscious effort by
     Moscow to wipe out all Ukrainians.

     Besides Ukraine, the famines affected southern Russia, and portions of
     the modern states Moldova and Kazakhstan.

     The dispute over possible Soviet complicity in the famines has remained
     topical in Ukraine to the present, in part, because historians had been
     unable to gain access to Soviet-era archives concerning the events, to
     determine whether the Kremlin killed millions of Ukrainians
     intentionally or by accident.”

One can easily understand from the information in the news article that the
work of telling the world the truth about the genocidal famine in Soviet
Ukraine in 1932-1933 that caused the deliberate deaths of millions of
Ukrainians and severe pain, suffering and great personal and economic
loss for millions more still must be carried on and expanded.

                         PRESIDENT VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko long has had a deep personal
interest in Ukrainian history and has been one of the leading advocates
of telling Ukrainians the truth about what happened here in 1932-1933
and telling the world about the Holodomor.

On several occasions before and during his presidency Yushchenko has
called upon the people and government of Ukraine, and on Ukrainians
and Ukrainian organizations around the world to join together in new
ways to spread the word.

President Yushchenko has said the government of Ukraine should take
the lead to make this happen in Ukraine and also take the lead world-wide
through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ukrainian Embassies.

Most importantly, the President has said that he wants to see this happen
during the 75th Memorial Commemoration of the Holodomor in the
years 2007-2008 for the millions who died and the millions more who
suffered great losses and in someway survived this unbelievable tragedy.

                   NOW IS THE TIME FOR REAL ACTION

It is now August 2006, and the beginning of the 75th Memorial
Commemoration of the Holodomor is just months away. Now is the
time for the Government of Ukraine to finalize the development of
concrete programs and actions and see that those programs are
implemented in a timely and effective manner to produce concrete

There have been far too many starts and stops, ups and downs,
backward and forward movements in the efforts of the Ukrainian
government over the years and also in the last eighteen months.

I will list some of the top priorities for action as my colleagues around
the world and I see them. This list is in no way exhaustive and will mainly
focus on the strong leadership needed at this time from the government
and people of Ukraine.


President Yushchenko has announced on several occasions he wants
the government to build a world-class Holodomor memorial, historical
research, and educational complex in Kyiv by the fall of 2008. The President
has indicated this is a top priority for him during his tenure as President.

The President in his speech to the IV World Forum of Ukrainians yesterday
at the Ukrainian Palace again stated he would make sure such a monument
(complex) is built.  Yushchenko said the monument would be appropriate
to the level of the tragedy.

The historical complex we recommend would include a research center for
scholars, library, large exhibition hall, museum, monument, chapel, archive
and document center, conference rooms, bookstore, family research center,
memorial gallery for victims, memorial gallery for survivors, and other
key facilities, such as those found in the leading historical centers around
the world.

All of the people I work with internationally strongly support this concept
and believe it is the number one priority in the new and expanded program
to tell the world about the Holodomor.

We urge the President, Cabinet of Ministers and the Parliament to move
forward rapidly with this project.  The design and implementation of the
complex should meet world-class standards and be the type of institution
that will support scholars, researchers, artists, students, historians,
political scientists, survivors and families of victims and draw millions of
visitors from around the globe.

The major concept most interested parties support is one where the
Holodomor Complex would be a separate, stand-alone entity, and not one
combined with another facility or organization that covers other historical,
or repression events or other periods in Ukrainian history.

I believe there have been at least four competitions in Ukraine during
the past six years for the design of such a complex, and I have been told
that another one is going on at the present time between the four finalists
of the last competition. There also have been many discussions and
debates about where to build such a complex.

Now there is also considerable confusion about the ‘Institute of Memory’
recently created by the Cabinet of Ministers and what exactly its agenda
will be.  There is confusion about exactly how the Holodomor historical
complex would interface with the ‘Institute of Memory.’

There is also no clear picture as to how such a complex would be
paid for.  Most people I visit with who understand the Ukraine government
say it is fine to make such plans but there are no funds to pay for such
a complex.

Does the President have an agreement with Prime Minister Yanukovych
and Speaker of the Parliament Moroz to support and pass the legislation
needed to provide the necessary funds for a world-class historical
complex? If not how soon can such an agreement be reached?

The President of Ukraine needs to follow-through  immediately on his
announced Holodomor program and use the full powers of his office
to make a Holodomor Historical Complex in Kyiv a reality in the near

We feel that if such a complex is not built while Viktor Yushchenko is
president there is a strong possibility one will never be built.  At least a
real opportunity and many years will be lost, once again.

We call upon the President to make this project one of his top priorities
today, to issue the appropriate decrees and orders, to negotiate the
necessary agreements with the political leadership, and to move the
building of a Holodomor Memorial, Historical, Research and Educational
Complex in Kyiv forward immediately to completion.

The building of such a complex would provide important momentum
and drive to all of the Holodomor commemoration efforts around the
world.  We do not need more speeches, we do not need more promises,
only real action is needed.


There will be many opportunities for officials of the government of
Ukraine and others to give presentations about the Holodomor during
2007-2008.  Most of the research, writings and personal stories used
for such presentations now comes from books published 20 years
ago or more outside of Ukraine.

The personal and historical material in these books was obtained largely
from sources outside the Soviet Union and from Ukrainians who left
Soviet Ukraine. This work was badly needed, provided the world with real
information  about the major tragedy, and will always serve as a strong
basis for future scholarship.

An online briefing book needs to be developed during 2006 that outlines
the basic facts and story of the history of the Holodomor written mostly
by a group of researchers and scholars who have lived and worked in
Soviet Ukraine and Ukraine after independence in 1992, most of their
professional career.  This briefing book should be published on the
website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

There has been considerable research and publications about the
Holodomor in Soviet Ukraine since 1988 and many personal stories have
been documented from witnesses who lived in Ukraine.  This information
needs to be added to the body of knowledge that was developed previously
outside Ukraine and made available to the world in multiple languages.

Many times officials of the government of Ukraine give out very different
and conflicting information about the Holodomor.  Officials need to be
able to access the key information quickly and easily. This tragic event
is also called by many different names and all of this only adds to the
difficulty of telling the world about the Holodomor.


President Yushchenko has stated many times that he wants the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs through their activities and their Embassies to
substantially increase their work during 2007-2008 to tell the real story
of the Holodomor.

The Ambassadors’ and staff of the Ukrainian Embassies need additional
resources and materials to assist them in their work to carry out the
directive of President Yushchenko.

One idea is to take seventy or more of the political-type posters from
Holodomor poster art (created mostly by Ukrainian artists living in
Ukraine) and a few other important artworks and reproduce them in
high quality images the size of a normal poster.

The reproduced images can be encased in very durable plastic sleeves
with rings in the top two corners for easy hanging.  Each complete set
can be rolled up together for easy handling and shipping.

Sets the Holodomor posters could be shipped to each Embassy with
copies of a small brochure about the Exhibition posters.

This will allow each Embassy to easily hold a Holodomor Exhibition
themselves and also to loan the materials to a wide variety of organizations
that would like to sponsor a Holodomor exhibition during 2007-2008.
This program will provide an effective tool so that many smaller
Holodomor educational exhibitions can be held around the world.

Such easily usable, durable, Holodomor exhibition sets could also be
made available to libraries, schools and other organizations in Ukraine
and around the world. We are presently cooperating with the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs on the development of such a program. The Ministry
has been supportive and encouraging regarding this approach.

A set of CD’s, power-point presentations could also be developed
using the visual materials.


It is very important that an extensive program of education and activities
be developed for Ukrainian school children to tell them and involve them in
understanding the historical background and what actually happened during
the Holodomor.  This program should be carried out during the 75th
Commemoration of the Holodomor in 2007-2008.

One of the most effective ways this has been done by other organizations
around the world who have been involved in teaching young people
about other tragic historical events has been through educational programs
that end with children producing their own works of art about the tragic

All the art works are then presented in a major exhibition by the school.
This event then involves the extended families of the children and others in
the local community. Then the best local productions are entered into a
regional contest. The winners of the regional contest are entered into a
national contest. Many Holodomor exhibitions can then be held using this
art work and these will significantly broaden the visibility and
effectiveness of the program.

The art work related to other historical tragic events has many times been
published in books and made available to the general public.  Such books
are another very effective way to get the story and the message out to a
larger audience.  Children’s art works are in important and effective tool
for telling the story.

Some organizations have found effective ways to involve corporate
sponsors in such educational and art programs.

One Ukrainian graphics artist, Mykola Bondarenko, from the Sumy Region,
interviewed from 1988 to 1993 all of the people in his local district that
survived the Holodomor.  He then created as series of 75 linocuts that show
the various items children and their families were forced to eat in their
desperate struggle to stay alive.

This concept of teaching children about what children in 1932-1933 were
forced to eat to try to stay alive could be developed into an effective
tool for the education of children and for the creation of art works.

Some Ukrainian organizations around the world have created educational
programs for children and these could be used as a guide for a new
program in Ukraine.  It is also highly recommended that Ukrainian
organizations around the world expand their efforts to teach children
about the Holodomor.


The present 2006 program of twenty-one Holodomor Exhibitions sponsored
by Ministry of Culture in Oblast Centers should be continued into 2007 and
2008.  During 2007 and 2008 the Holodomor Exhibition could be presented
in around 50 of the largest cities in Ukraine that were not included in the
original 21, including those in Western Ukraine.

This program should be expanded to include more educational materials,
trained guides at the Exhibitions, and be held in closer cooperation with
the Ministry of Education to provide for the opportunity for more school
children to participate.


The major Holodomor Memorial and Educational Program sponsored by
the government in 2005 should be should be continued in November
2006-2008. The program was entitled “The Swaying Bells of Memory”
and included an exhibition at the Ukrainian House in Kyiv. This program,
which was supported by the Presidential Administration, was a major
improvement over such government-sponsored programs held in previous

All Ukrainian organizations around the world are encouraged to expand
their Holodomor commemoration programs in 2007-2008.


Several Ukrainian groups around the world have asked the Government
of Ukraine to assist them in bringing a major, world-class Holodomor
Educational and Commemorative Exhibition to their city during 2007-2008.

Such requests have been received from Ukrainian leaders in Washington,
D.C., New York, Chicago, Cleveland, Philadelphia and Boston
(United States), Toronto, Ottawa, and Winnipeg (Canada); Paris (France);
and from the leader of the Ukrainian organizations in Australia.

Ukrainian and other organizations in these major cities are prepared to
assist with obtaining locations for exhibitions, local publicity and other
necessary arrangements and to assist in the costs of the exhibitions.

The Government of Ukraine through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
should support such a program.  Since the lead time for such events
is quite long such a program would have to be approved by the
government this fall to be effective.

ARTISTS”… A New Historical Album —–

We have been working with the Ministry of Culture for several months
to create and publish a major new Holodomor historical album.

The album would tell the Holodomor story in text and through over
250 visual artworks created by Ukrainian artists. This would be the
first book of this kind published about the Holodomor.

The Ministry of Culture has been very cooperative and we hope that
this program will result in the new book being printed in late 2006.
The work with the Ministry has been very productive and the program
is moving forward.

One goal would be to distribute the books to thousands of Ukrainian
schools and libraries during 2007-2008.

The goal also includes finding the funds necessary to translate the book
into English and possibly other languages and have the book available
for distribution around the world by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to
organizations, such as the United Nations. The album also would be
available to Ukrainian organizations for distribution.


The ‘Light A Candle” concept and activities should be continued and
expanded to other cities around the world.  The thousands of candles
placed on Mikhailivska Square in Kyiv in late November of 2003 under
the leadership of Viktor and Kateryna Yushchenko was most effective
and powerful.


The number of people alive today who actually experienced the Holodomor
in 1932-1933 is rapidly declining.  Programs to take testimony from these
survivors needs to better organized, funded and expanded quickly.


The artistic and educational community in Ukraine was not allowed to
use their talents and skills to tell anyone about the Holodomor for 55

The community since 1998 has been slow to tackle the Holodomor and
the other dark moments in Ukrainian history during the past 100 years.
The government should find ways to encourage the artistic and
educational community to become more engaged in Ukrainian history.


Most all of the real photographs used to show the Holodomor in Ukraine
over the past 70 years were actually taken by international relief agencies
along the Volga River in Russia during the 1921-1922 famine.

The use of such photographs to depict the Ukrainian Holodomor were
first used by Nazi Germany in a major anti-Soviet campaign in 1934-1935

and then used by American media giant Randolph Hearst in stories on the
front page of several major US newspapers in 1935. The use of these
Soviet Russian photographs then became quite widespread in publications
of various types and are still being used widely today.
The Ukrainian government was even prepared to publish a new Holodomor
stamp in November of 2003 that featured a photograph taken in Soviet
Russia in 1921-1922.  Fortunately I was able to lead an effort to have the
production of this stamp stopped and a newly designed stamp was then
issued without the Soviet Russian photograph.

We recommend the President of Ukraine appoint a special international
committee to investigate the issue of why there are so few real photographs
of the Holodomor, to conduct research to see if there are some photographs
of the Holodomor in various governmental, educational, historical and private

archives worldwide that could be found and documented.

This committee should clearly and accurately identify the photographs that
were taken in Russia in 1921-1922 and thus should not be used anymore to
depict the Ukrainian Holodomor. The committee should also identify the
photographs that can historically be proven, beyond a doubt, to be from
the Ukrainian genocidal famine in 1932-1933.


According to Canadian scholar Roman Serbyn in 1990 the Party put
out a collection of documents in Kyiv on the famine in Party archives.
The collection was supposed to have been augmented with additional
material and republished for the 70th memorial commemoration in 2003.
Unfortunately the publication was held up. Serban said he understands
the Archives did their job and that it is now being held up the Institute
of History (NAN Ukrainy).
The collection’s bibliographica reference is: “Holod 1932-1933 rokiv na
Ukraini: ochyma istorykiv, movoiu dokumentiv. Kyiv, 1990.”
The National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (NANU) should bring
together other documents as well (including the new SBU documents)
and publish them in a series of volumes (could probably put together 3
or more volumes) and have them out no later than late 2007 or early
2008. A summary volume featuring very key documents should be
published in English.

A serious of international conferences should be called for in Kyiv in the

summer or early fall of 2007 on the Holodomor (Terror-Famine-Death-
Genocide.) The conferences must be planned now and invitations sent
out not later than this fall.

Finally, in preparing Ukraine’s brief for the UN, the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs should consult historians and legal experts, especially someone

well versed in the legal side of the Convention on Genocide (1948) and its
application in trials since then.
The Ukrainian case must be made in the name of the Ukrainian nation within
the whole USSR at that time, according to Canadian scholar Roman Serbyn.
Serbyn said, “In other words, the over 8 million Ukrainians living in Northern
Caucasus (especially Kuban), and the regions of RSFSR adjacent to Ukraine
and inhabited by great numbers of Ukrainians must also be included. The
Convention must be interpreted in relation to the whole Ukrainian population
of USSR of 1930s.


The tragedy of the Holodomor against millions of Ukrainians should be
enough to cause the government of Ukraine and Ukrainian organizations
around the world to be one of the leaders in the global effort to identify
and support interventions to stop modern day genocides organized and
carried out by corrupt political leaders and corrupt political systems.

Unfortunately this is not the case at all.

In addition to being the right thing to do if Ukrainians were effective
today in the world arena about genocides this would give Ukrainians
considerable more leverage and real legitimacy to tell the world about
the Ukrainian genocide of 1932-1933.

We encourage the government of Ukraine and Ukrainians organizations
around the globe to take the lead in speaking out strongly and clearly
against modern day genocides and support strong actions by the
appropriate international organizations to intervene and stop genocidal
actions in a wherever they occur in a timely and effective way.

NO government or leading international political leader really listened to
the horrible cries of Ukrainians in 1932-1933. The international news
media was not allowed into Soviet Ukraine to report what really was
going on.

NO one was allowed by the Soviet communist government to come to the
assistance of the 33,000 Ukrainians who were being starved to a terrible
death every day in the spring of 1933. International relief agencies were
told their assistance was not needed as there was no famine, no problem.

NO government or international organization intervened to stop the murder
of millions of Ukrainians.

This total lack of action by the world community was not appropriate in
1932-1933 and it is not appropriate today when a genocide occurs. The

world must act quickly when genocide occurs.  Too many times action
is ready to be taken only after the major portion of the killings have occurred.

Thank you very much for this opportunity. All of us need to expand our
work. There is so much work to do.                          -30-
NOTE: Morgan Williams is Director, Government Affairs, Washington
Office SigmaBleyzer Private Equity Investment Group and the publisher
and editor of the Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Washington, D.C..

He serves as a member of the Organizational Committee for the 75th
Anniversary of the Famine in Ukraine appointed by the Cabinet of
Ministers; Curator & Trustee, Holodomor Education and Exhibition
Collection; Chairman, Dr. James Mace Holodomor Memorial Fund
of the Ukrainian Federation of America, Philadelphia. morganw@patriot.net.
LINK: http://www.unian.net/eng/news/news-164243.html

NOTE:  The presentation above is the final draft of the presentation
that was edited by the author. It is a later draft than was published
by the UNIAN news agency.   
[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]

Ukrainian newspaper 2000, Kiev, in Russian 11 Aug 06; pp e1, e3, e4
BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Wednesday, Aug 16, 2006

A weekly paper has carried profiles of all the members of the new Ukrainian

The profiles of President Viktor Yushchenko’s appointees, Interior Minister
Yuriy Lutsenko, Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk, Defence Minister Anatoliy
Hrytsenko and Justice Minister Roman Zvarych, are far from flattering.

The following is the text of the article by Oleksandr Volf entitled
“Ukraine’s new government: persons, biographies, informal links” published
in the Ukrainian newspaper 2000 on 11 August; subheadings are as published:

Viktor Yanukovych has become the first person in recent Ukrainian history to
have managed to get into the cabinet as prime minister twice (to be sure,
there was also Vitaliy Masol, but the first time he headed a cabinet that
was then called the Council of Ministers, back under Soviet power) and
become the head of the 13th government in the 15 years of independence.

And among the members of his present team there are almost no novices: of
the 24 deputy prime ministers and ministers only four – Volodymyr Rybak
(deputy prime minister and minister of construction, architecture and
housing utilities), Anatoliy Holovko (industrial policy minister), Mykola
Rudkovskyy (transport and communications minister) and Vasyl Dzharty
(environment minister) did not have previous experience of working in the
cabinet system.

Nevertheless, they all need introducing – if only for the sake of
“refreshing” the public memory regarding who both the new and the “old new”
government members were in the past and what sort of professionals and
personalities they are. We will make an exception only for the prime
minister himself – his biography is sufficiently well known to the citizens
of Ukraine.

[1] MYKOLA AZROV, first deputy prime minister and [2] finance minister
He is 59 years old, born in the town of Kaluga (Russia) and graduated from
Moscow State University (geologist-geophysicist).

He devoted 25 years of his life to working in his speciality in Russia’s
Tula and Ukraine’s Donetsk (in the latter case for over 10 years he headed
the Ukrainian state research and design institute of mining geology,
geo-mechanics and mine surveying).

After that there was an abrupt career somersault: in 1996 President Leonid
Kuchma appointed him chairman of the State Tax Administration of Ukraine

Such a choice by the head of state can be explained only as an attempt to
act in the framework of a Western model of personnel management, under which
the main demand on a top leader is not a knowledge of all the subtleties of
the subject being run, but the ability to organize the process
(incidentally, opponents of the first deputy prime minister constantly harp
on about his lack of relevant education, hinting thereby at incompetence –
the latter postulate is especially zealously defended by [opposition leader]
Yuliya Tymoshenko and [former Finance Minister] Viktor Pynzenyk.)

Azarov coped with the task, virtually becoming the founding father of the
STAU, which arose on the basis of the state tax inspectorate and was
transformed from an adjunct to the Finance Ministry into an independent
fiscal body.

And in the development of the structure a certain consistency was to be
traced (probably planned originally) in the formation and implementation of
the method of taxation: from harsh “processing” of the taxpayers in the
second half of the 1990s (in effect one can talk about “wringing out”
money – nobody wanted to pay it, but they had to be taught to somehow) to a
certain liberalization of the rules of the game towards the end of the first
premiership of Viktor Yanukovych.

True, by that time Mykola Azarov was no longer directly at the head of the
taxmen, but was coordinating the actions of the whole of the state’s
economic bloc in the same capacities as now: first deputy prime minister and
finance minister.

It can be assumed that now he will demand the appointment of his man as
chairman of the STAU (possibly it will be Fedir Yaroshenko, who already
headed the tax service in 2004 and is considered “a shadow” of Mr Azarov) in
place of Oleksandr Kireyev, who is a protege of Viktor Yushchenko, whose
deputy he was for seven years in the National Bank and to whom he is known
even longer – back from the times of joint work in the Ukrayina bank. In
connection with this, we have potential grounds for conflict between the
president and cabinet.

In the government and the STAU under Azarov’s leadership a whole galaxy of
domestic managers and financiers was formed, the most famous of whom is
probably the former prosecutor-general, Svyatoslav Piskun.

One can also recall the present STAU deputy chairmen Hryhoriy Operenko,
Borys Horbanskyy and Serhiy Lekar; the first deputy chairman of the National
Bank, Anatoliy Shapovalov; the deputy chairman of the accounts chamber,
Oleksandr Yaremenko; the chairman of the State Committee for Financial
Monitoring, Serhiy Hurzhyy).

In the logic of things, if these people were required both under the
previous and under the current president, it means that they have a
reasonably good training provided by Mykola Azarov, who is famous for his
utmost exactingness, meticulous assiduity (one can say pedantry) and ability
to achieve his set goals.

[3] ANDRIY KLYUYEV, deputy prime minister for the fuel and energy complex
He is 42 years old, born in Donetsk and graduated from the Donetsk
Polytechnic (mechanical engineer). He belongs to the notional group
“official rich men in state service”.

Back in the early 1990s he created a systematic business (before that he
worked in a number of mines of the Donbass and studied as a graduate at the
Donetsk Polytechnic University), which in time grew into the big corporation
Ukrpidshypnyk [Ukrainian Bearings], which until recently was headed by
Klyuyev’s younger brother Serhiy (now a people’s deputy for the Party of

Another person to emerge from that structure is the first deputy to the
former fuel and energy minister, Ivan Plachkov – Serhiy Titenko (it is not
ruled out that thanks to this he will keep his job).

Andriy Klyuyev himself back in 1994 went to work in bodies of the local
executive: in Donetsk he was deputy to the chairman of the regional council,
Volodymyr Shcherban (now living in the USA) and of the regional state
administration (also Volodymyr Shcherban and Viktor Yanukovych), first
deputy to the chairman of the Donetsk City Executive Committee, Volodymyr
Rybak, who is now his colleague in the government, and also occupied a post
similar to the present one in the first Yanukovych government.

He is known as an experienced administrator, systematically thinking and
exacting; with his arrival in the cabinet in 2002 he introduced a fashion
there for expensive elegance through his adherence to the clothes of famous
“consistent” brands. There are reports that he has reasonably good relations
with [Interior Minister] Yuriy Lutsenko.

[4] DMYTRO TABACHNYK, deputy prime minister for social and

humanitarian issues.
He is 43 years old, born in Kiev and graduated from the history faculty
of the Shevchenko Kiev National University.

Being a historian not only by education, but also by calling, he also has
not bad talent as a publicist – in the second half of the 1980s, catching
the mood of the moment, he was one of the first to start printing material
in the sociopolitical media about Stalin’s repressions, thanks to which he
gained his first fame.

In bodies of state administration from the very start of Ukraine’s
independence he worked in the Secretariat of the Supreme Council
[parliament], headed the press service of the Cabinet of Ministers in the
government of Leonid Kuchma, for whom he became virtually the head of his
election campaign at the 2004 [as published, perhaps 1994 is meant]
presidential elections and the first head of the presidential administration
(at the age of 31), remaining at the same time an adviser to the head of
state. In 1998 and 2002 he was elected a people’s deputy.

On the latter occasion he gave up his powers ahead of schedule in connection
with his appointment as “humanitarian issues” deputy prime minister in
Viktor Yanukovych’s first government.

He deals with the sphere entrusted to him fairly competently, although he is
not a supporter of moving the vector of state culture policy towards
Ukraino-centrism, which we have been observing recently – rather he
advocates a cosmopolitan model of coexistence of ethnicities and their
cultural legacy.

In connection with this, his present appointment is perplexing to a certain
extent, since segments of history and culture, because of personal
sympathies, are under the personal supervision of Viktor Yushchenko, who,
during the formation of the government, demanded for himself the right to
decide on staff for the humanitarian sector: the ministers of health, family
issues, youth and sport, culture and tourism are 100 per cent his people
(the only exceptions are the ministers of labour and social policy and
education and science).

But facts are still facts – Dmytro Tabachnyk has returned to his previous
job and it is entirely probable that he can hold on there. For this he has
both the abilities of an administrator and personal qualities, first and
foremost a perfect grasp of the art of “corridor” politics.

[5] VOLODYMYR RYBAK, deputy prime minister and minister of

construction, architecture and housing
He is 60 years old, born in Donetsk and graduated from the Donetsk State
University (economist).

His “additional” ministerial duties testify most likely to the fact that he
will be responsible for regional policy, on which he is considered to be a
connoisseur, since the greater part of his working biography was connected
precisely with the areas of construction, housing utilities and local

In these areas he trod the path from a foreman in the Donetsk trust
Santekhelektromontazh [plumbing and electrical installation] to mayor of
Donetsk (1993-2002), replacing in the latter job the former acting prime
minister Yukhym Zvyahilskyy (now a people’s deputy for the Party of
Regions), to whom, prior to that, he had been first deputy.

He is known as a strong economic manager. His age counts against him, and as
a result of his age he has a certain conservatism of thinking at a time when
the area subordinate to him is almost the most backward in the Ukrainian
economy (if we don’t count construction), and so requires contemporary
approaches and rapid action.

[6] YURIY MELNYK, minister of the agro-industrial complex
He is 44 years old, born in the village of Verkhnyachka, Khrystynivka
District, Cherkasy Region, which “gave” Ukraine’s executive a whole range of
notable and influential personalities.

For example former ones – the SBU [Security Service of Ukraine] chairman,
Ihor Smeshko, and the defence minister, Vitaliy Radetskyy (now the chief of
the National Defence Academy of Ukraine) – and current ones – the first
deputy minister of transport and communications, Petro Tsybenko; the deputy
chairman of the Supreme Justice Council, Lidiya Izovitova; and the
presidential adviser and head of the main service for issues of military
units and law-enforcement agencies, Ivan Kutsyk (who, incidentally, was seen
as one of the likeliest candidates for the post of interior minister).

He graduated from the Ukrainian Agricultural Academy (zoological technical
engineer). He is a government official with a big period of service. He was
in the system of the Agricultural Policy Ministry (agro-industrial complex)
from 1996, including in 1998-2005 as deputy minister (he “outlived” seven
ministers). From October 2005 he was deputy prime minister for agricultural
issues in the cabinet of Yuriy Yekhanurov.

Melnyk’s appointment is illogical from the political viewpoint, since the
post of “agrarian” minister is allocated to the quota of the CPU [Communist
Party of Ukraine], at a time when it was given to a person who is a member
of the clearly anti-communist UPP [Ukrainian People’s Party].

hat is more, the scrapping of the duty of the relevant deputy prime
minister, which for over 10 years now has unfailingly existed in the
government, may be evidence of the allocation to agriculture of a second or
third-ranking role in the formation of the economic policy of Yanukovych’s

A great dislike of publicity can be added to the features of Melnyk’s
character. Despite such solid government experience and high office that he
recently occupied, he is little known “by face”, not to mention his views on
the industry that he is in charge of, his politics and life as a whole.

[7] YURIY LUTSENKO, interior minister
He is 43 years old, born in Rivne and graduated from the Lviv Polytechnic
(electronic engineer). His father – Vitaliy Lutsenko (died in 1999 when he
was a people’s deputy from the CPU) – was for many years the first secretary
of the Rivne city [Communist Party] committee and, towards the end of Soviet
power, of the regional committee of the CPU.

For this reason, when Lutsenko relates how, when he was a student he almost
engaged in dissident behaviour, there is little credence in it – such
behaviour would have deliberately been the kiss of death to the career of
Lutsenko senior.

Yuriy Lutsenko is the same age as [fugitive former head of Directorate for
State Affairs] Ihor Bakay, also from Rivne, not a big city, and in the years
of their childhood even smaller, and so it is not ruled out that they may
have known each other, although they were on different steps of the social
ladder (Bakay is the son of a driver and a nurse).

It is probably precisely owing to his family’s position that one can explain
the fact that after the institute Lutsenko in some five years rose from
foreman to chief designer at the Rivne Hazotron plant, a defence enterprise
that, with the disintegration of the USSR, fell into collapse, which forced
Lutsenko to look for another application for his talents.

He quickly got the taste for power – at the age of 30 he managed to work as
deputy chairman of the Rivne Regional Council (nowadays people come to
ministerial duties almost straight out of school, but 10 years ago such
things were rather the exception), to head the running of the economy of the
local regional state administration, and in 1997 was appointed deputy to the
minister for science and technology, Volodymyr Semynozhenko, after whose
removal he lost his job

He was taken on by Prime Minister Valeriy Pustovoytenko as an adviser, but
stayed in that hypostasis for about six months – probably the head of
government did not value the abilities of Lutsenko to talk amusingly and
figuratively, and started demanding advice to the point, which turned out to
be thin on the ground in the latter’s intellectual baggage.

So, Lutsenko became an adviser to people’s deputy [Socialist Party leader]
Oleksandr Moroz, effectively thanks to patronage, and became well-known and
recognized in society.

To start with it was the tape scandal [recordings made in Kuchma’s office
apparently implicating him and other senior officials in crimes] during
which Lutsenko played the role of “the man with the tape recorder”, pressing
the relevant buttons of that sound reproduction device during the news
conference of the present speaker [Moroz].

Then the Ukraine Without Kuchma movement started, with the well-known March
clash between police and demonstrators that to a considerable extent
happened thanks to the activity of the current interior minister, although
at that time he strangely was not noticed in the ranks of the people who
appealed for people to go “into battle”.

There followed a seat in parliament and the orange events, used to the
utmost by Lutsenko for self-publicity, thanks to which he found himself in
the chair of head of the Ukrainian police.

Here, as is known, running through his rhetoric of the past two years have
been accusations against Yanukovych and his team regarding criminally
punishable acts (without any proof of such).

Therefore, Lutsenko’s assent to work under the leadership of someone, whose
name even yesterday he was happily throwing mud at, caused not simply
surprise in society, but shock (especially if one considers that Lutsenko
almost on the eve had sworn to the whole country that he would not join a
Yanukovych government for anything).

Regardless of what justifications for this step the three-times interior
minister thinks up (and he is a talented demagogue – his arguments will
deliberately be convincing), there can only be two real explanations: either
Lutsenko liked power so much that for the sake of it he is prepared to forgo
any principles, or he has been “hooked” by some very harsh compromising
material that has arisen recently, and now is simply obliged to listen to
the people whom he publicly humiliated yesterday.

So it is not a matter of someone (even the president of Ukraine) needing
Lutsenko as a minister (frankly speaking, as a minister he is really
extremely weak). It is not ruled out that it was precisely the Regionals
[i.e. the Party of Regions] that insisted on this candidacy (they certainly
backed it readily) with the aim of “re-education”.

In any case, one can only feel pity for Lutsenko in this situation.
Although, on the other hand, whom can he blame apart from himself?

[8] YURIY POLYACHENKO, health minister
He is 43 years old, born in Kiev and graduated from the Kiev Medical
Institute (orthopaedic traumatologist). He is the son of the Our Ukraine
people’s deputy and long-time president of the Kyyivmiskbud holding,
Volodymyr Polyachenko.

He is a professional doctor manager, working from 1986 to 1994 as a senior
member of staff at the Ukrainian Orthopaedic Research Institute and all the
rest of the time was in leading posts – chief doctor of the Medbud medical
association (part of Kyyivmiskbud), director of a curative treatment centre
in Cuba.

Then he was deputy and first deputy health minister (under three ministers,
including under one leader of the Party of Regions – Rayisa Bohatyryova) and
deputy to the secretary of the NSDC [National Security and Defence Council],
Volodymyr Radchenko.

He is one of the few ministers who originally built up the team both of the
president and the prime minister, a balanced, tolerant person who knows how
to find a common language with everyone (which, actually, is required of a
medical worker who, by definition, is outside politics).

As an administrator, unlike his predecessor, Mykola Polishchuk, he was not
subjected to special critical attacks from the media and the public when he
was working in the same job in the Yekhanurov cabinet.

Among the big negatives of that time one can cite only the problems with
international funding of programmes for combating HIV/AIDS, but they are
probably not the fault of Polyachenko, who simply was forced to eliminate
the consequences of the ill-considered and adventurist actions of the
previous leadership of the Health Ministry.

[9] BORYS TARASYUK, foreign minister
He is 57 years old, born in the Dzerzhynsk District centre in Zhytomyr
Region and graduated from the Shevchenko Kiev National University
(international affairs lawyer).

A career diplomat, he joined the structure of the Ukrainian SSR Foreign
Ministry immediately after graduating, moving from a ministry attache to
head of the department of political analysis and coordination and head of
the Foreign Ministry secretariat.

In 1987-1990 he worked as an instructor in the department of international
relations of the CPU Central Committee.

With the proclamation of Ukrainian independence he was successively deputy
to Minister Anatoliy Zlenko, first deputy to Minister Henadiy Udovenko,
ambassador to Belgium, head of the Ukrainian mission to NATO and minister of
foreign affairs in the governments of Valeriy Pustovoytenko and Viktor

In the latter case, after leaving office he became the director (with his
election in 2002 as a people’s deputy for Our Ukraine the honorary director)
of the Institute of Social Sciences and International Relations of the
Interregional Academy of Personnel Management (IAPM) [widely alleged to be
anti-Semitic], which gave cause for talk about his adherence to

He can be considered to be “a five-time minister”, since he occupied the
post in the governments of Yuliya Tymoshenko and Yuriy Yekhanurov.

He is known for his zealous and consistent support for Ukraine’s
Euro-Atlantic line. This may not entirely suit the Party of Regions and
Yanukovych personally, but they have no weighty counter-arguments, since the
head of the Foreign Ministry is the president’s prerogative under the
constitution, which cannot be changed by any declaration [of national

Therefore it can be expected that the purely political Western aspirations
of Mr Yushchenko and Mr Tarasyuk will be balanced by an intensification of
the Eastern vector in the economy.

As a person, Tarasyuk is famous for his touchiness, as a consequence of
which he takes criticism hard, since he considers all his words and deeds to
be the only true ones, and if anyone tries to prove the contrary, he quickly
becomes his enemy.

[10] IHOR LIKHOVYY, culture and tourism minister
He is 49 years old, born in the village of Vrublivka, Romanivka District in
Zhytomyr Region, graduated from the Odessa Polytechnic (electro-mechanical

He worked in his speciality for only six years (1979-1985) at the Kaniv
Mahnit electromechanical plant (Cherkasy Region), after which he was head of
department of the Kaniv town committee of the CPU (1985-1987) and first
deputy chairman of the Kaniv town executive committee (1987-1989).

He gained prestige in the area of culture and art in the job of head of the
Shevchenko national memorial centre in Kaniv, which he headed for 16 years

Thanks to this, he also became known in the political milieu, many of whose
representatives consider it mandatory for themselves to visit at least once
in their life the grave of the Kobzar [unofficial title of Ukraine’s
national poet, Taras Shevchenko].

Thus Likhovyy attracted the attention of Yushchenko, who considered him a
worthy replacement for Oksana Bilozir back during the formation of the
Yekhanurov cabinet.

One must give him his due – Likhovyy has not repeated the mistakes of his
predecessor, has not provoked conflicts in the delicate and easily wounded
milieu entrusted to him, demonstrating an intellectual attitude both to
people and to the relevant problems. In general and on the whole – the right
man for the job.

[11] ANATOLIY HRYTSENKO, defence minister
He is 49 years old, born in the village of Bohachivka, Zvenihorodka District
in Cherkasy Region (the well-known politician Yuriy Karmazin of the same age
also came from Zvenihorodka, and in the village of Vodyanyky in the same
district two years later there appeared the chairman of the Cherkasy
Regional State Administration, Oleksandr Cherevko).

He graduated from the Kiev Higher Military Aviation College.

He is married to the deputy chief editor of the newspaper Zerkalo Nedeli,
Yuliya Mostova. He has a son from his first marriage – Oleksiy – who works
for the Enran Telekom company and a daughter (also from his first
marriage) – Svitlana – in the PBN  company.

He actually served only two years in line units (1979-1981), after which he
took the “scientific military” line – he completed his advanced military
studentship (post-graduate course; 1981-1984) and for eight years
(1984-1992) taught in his home college.

With the start of Ukrainian independence he headed the problem analysis
directorate of the General Staff (1992-1994), at the same time completing
courses at the institute of foreign languages of the US Defense Department
and the US Air Force Academy, in connection with which, since that time, he
has the image of an “Americanophile” and a fierce supporter of cooperation
with NATO.

He also headed the directorate of military security problems and military
cooperation of the National Research Centre for Defence Technologies and
Military Security of Ukraine (1996-1997) and the analytical service of the
NSDC (1997-1999 under NSDC Secretary Volodymyr Horbulin, one of whose
deputies was Oleksandr Razumkov – q.v. below).

From December 1999 and up to the time of his first appointment as defence
minister (in the Tymoshenko government) he was the president of the Razumkov
Ukrainian Economic and Political Research Centre – formally a public
organization, but in fact maintained by money from Western grants, which
made one of the most considerable contributions to the victory of Yushchenko
at the 2004 presidential elections by means of deliberate systematic
manipulation of public opinion.

It is not unsurprising that the head of state who, according to Article 106,
Clause 10 of the Constitution of Ukraine, has the right to present the
candidacy of the defence minister, wants to see precisely Hrytsenko in that
job for the third time in a row.

What is more, frankly speaking, the Party of Regions as the dominant force
in the parliamentary coalition never had a great interest in the armed
forces and has no suitable ministerial candidates.

As a result, Col Hrytsenko got the opportunity to continue engaging in what
he calls “army reform”, and which entails its further reduction and transfer
to NATO standards.

He believes that this is strengthening the country’s security, but his
opponents allege that Ukraine will only lose from this, becoming dependent
on the other members of NATO. The army itself, as usual, is so far keeping
silent… [ellipsis as published]

[12] STANISLAV NIKOLAYENKO, education and science minister
He is 50 years old, born in the village of Bohdanivka, Znamyanka District in
Kirovohrad Region and graduated from the Ukrainian Agricultural Academy
(mechanical engineer).

He emerged from the vocational technical education system – he taught in the
Kirovohrad agricultural technical school and Krasnoperekopsk special
vocational technical college (Crimea).

He was secretary of the Komsomol [Young Communist League] committee of the
Kakhovka state farm training school (Kherson Region). In Soviet times he
also worked in bodies of the Komsomol and the CPU (in particular, as first
secretary of Nyzhni Sirohozy District Committee of the CPU in Kherson

In independent Ukraine, having worked for three years as deputy chief of the
education directorate of the Kherson Regional State Administration, in 1994
he was elected a people’s deputy, in which status he remained until February
last year, when he took up a ministerial post in Tymoshenko’s cabinet.

Proceeding from the principle of “first love”, he focuses his basic
attention on restoring the vocational technical education system, which has
been in crisis in recent years.

He also gained fame as a fighter against private higher educational
establishments, dozens of which are losing their licences (both for activity
as a whole and for training specialists in various specialities).

As equivocal aspects of his activity one can quote the constant scandals
surrounding school textbooks (there are accusations of bias in determining
the publishing houses that are instructed to prepare them, as well as of
opportunism, especially in the area of arts subjects) and an experiment with
the system of independent testing of graduates of comprehensive schools,
which causes more questions than answers.

[13] VAYYL DZHARTY, environment minister
He is 48 years old, born in the village of Rozdolne, Starobesheve District
in Donetsk Region and graduated from the Donetsk Polytechnic (mechanical
engineer; he graduated at the same time and in the same speciality as
Yanukovych, but the prime minister studied externally).

The greater part of his working biography was spent in the town of
Makiyivka, where he rose from a mechanic at a local motor transport
enterprise to town mayor. From that job he was appointed in 2002 as first
deputy chairman to the Donetsk Regional State Administration, Anatoliy
Blyznyuk (now chairman of the Donetsk Regional Council).

It is possible that he got his present job primarily for the good result of
the Party of Regions at the elections, during which he headed its election

At the same time, motor transport man Dzharty at the head of the Environment
Ministry (whose main attractiveness is issuing licences for developing
mineral deposits) looks no more illogical than his predecessor, the banker
[Pavlo] Ihnatenko.

In any case, both of them enjoy a reputation as quality managers, and the
new minister, what is more, is aware at first hand about natural resources,
the environment and ecological problems, if only because he has spent his
whole life in the Donbass.

[14] VIKTOR BALOHA, emergencies minister
He is 43 years old, born in the village of Zavydove, Mukacheve District in
Transcarpathian Region (his deputy at the ministry, Tiberiy Bolvari, is from
Mukacheve by birth, as is the deputy coal industry minister, Oleksandr
Frantsyshko, the chairman of the Transcarpathian Regional State
Administration, Oleh Havashy, whose first deputy at one time was Viktor
Baloha’s younger brother, Ivan). He graduated from the Lviv Commercial
Economics Institute (commercial expert).

He is a well-known Transcarpathian businessman (considered the richest
person in that region) and politician, who started his career in the system
of the regional consumer union.

After that he had his own commercial enterprise, thanks to which he gained
influence on processes first in his native Mukacheve, where in 1998 he was
elected town mayor, and then in the region as a whole, backing up his
financial strength with administrative resources in the form of his job as
chairman of the Transcarpathian Regional State Administration, which he
occupied both under Kuchma (with whom he eventually fell out) and under
Yushchenko (thanks to whom in 2002 he became a people’s deputy).

Baloha has recently been increasingly frequently called Yushchenko’s
favourite. For several months now he seems destined for the place of Oleh
Rybachuk, who is clearly losing influence, to head the presidential

Nevertheless, the head of state in negotiations with the parliamentary
coalition gained for his quota the head of the emergencies ministry, and he
decided to leave Baloha in place.

It is probable in this case that Yushchenko was guided by considerations of
state (and, it is not ruled out – personal) security – the ministry in
question is still related to armed formations at the head of which the
president tries to place people whom he trusts to the maximum (as is the
case with the defence and interior ministries) – to prevent anything
happening… [ellipsis as published]

[15] YURIY PAVLENKO, family, youth and sports minister
He is 31 years old, born in Kiev and graduated from the Shevchenko Kiev
National University (historian; studied together with a member of the
Central Electoral Commission, Zhanna Usenko-Chorna).

In 1995-2002 he worked at various posts in the Zinteko firm, the Teren arts
centre, at the TV-Tabachuk studio, in the IP Kiev joint enterprise,
Eurovision Plus, and the Slavutych beer and soft drinks plant. Then he was
elected a people’s deputy for Our Ukraine.

The youngest minister in the two previous governments, he is still that in
the present one. He can be calm about his career fate in the future as well.

First, because the president especially favours him (Pavlenko in general is
often called “a Yushchenko clone”), second, because with the distribution of
jobs, the “family-youth-sports” ministry, together with the Culture Ministry
are called “rubbish” in political officials’ slang, and of little interest
to anyone.

In the larger scheme of things, the young minister does not need to manage
anything – the areas that he is responsible for are self-regulating, and the
main thing here is not to interfere. And this is what he has been
successfully doing for the past year and a half and, it must be supposed,
will continue doing.

[16] IVAN TKALENKO, minister for liaison with parliament and other state
He is 51 years old, born in the village of Fursy, Bila Tserkva District in
Kiev Region and graduated from the Odessa Construction Engineering institute
(construction engineer).

His whole career up until 1998 was linked with construction organizations in
Bila Tserkva (his last job related to his speciality was chairman of the
board of Miskbud) and then he was elected a people’s deputy of the third

The job of minister for liaison with parliament existed only once in the
Ukrainian government – during the first premiership of Yanukovych – and it
was occupied precisely by Tkalenko (moreover, every ministry at that time
saw the introduction of posts of deputy ministers for liaison with

Although the need for it had been obvious almost from the first days of
independence, when the legislature and the executive were chronically
entering the latest clinch, not having yet managed to emerge from the
previous one, not least because of a lack of coordination of actions.

In the new conditions the existence of such a function is even more pressing
and needed; the level of quality of cooperation between the parliamentary
coalition and the Cabinet of Ministers will to a considerable extent depend
on the actions of this minister.

[17] ANATOLIY IVANOVYCH HOLOVKO, industrial policy minister
The most enigmatic figure in the new government -it is only known that he is
52 years old and graduated from the Kramatorsk Industrial Institute with the
speciality of mechanical engineer. He spent almost all his career at the
scandalously famed Nikopol Ferroalloys Plant (from worker to deputy chairman
of the board).

In 2003-05 he was an adviser on foreign economic relations for the
Energeticheskiy Standart Group office, which is controlled by the Russian
businessman Konstantin Grigorishin, and then worked as first deputy to the
chairmen of the Zaporizhzhya Regional State Administration, Yuriy Artemenko,
who also had the image of being Grigorishin’s man, and Yevhen Chervonenko.

[18] YURIY BOYKO, fuel and energy minister
He is 48 years old, born in the city of Horlivka in Donetsk Region and
graduated from the Moscow Chemistry Technology Institute (chemistry
technology engineer). He has six children – three daughters and three sons.

He worked at the Rubizhne-based Zarya Chemicals Plant (in Luhansk Region;
from foreman to general director. The basic specialization of the enterprise
is production of explosives), as general director of the Ukrvzryvprom
[Ukrainian explosives industry] state-owned corporation, as chairman of the
board of Lysychansknaftaorhsintez [Lysychansk petroleum organic synthesis]
and of Ukrtatnafta [Ukraine-Tatarstan oil].

During the premiership of Anatoliy Kinakh and the first premiership of
Viktor Yanukovych he headed Naftohaz Ukrayiny [state-owned oil and gas
monopoly], being at the same time first deputy to fuel and energy ministers
Serhiy Yermilov and Serhiy Tulub.

He is considered one of the most competent domestic specialists in the oil
and gas area. It had been assumed that he would return to Naftohaz, which
thanks to the activity of the former chairman of the board, Oleksiy
Ivchenko, from being almost the most profitable state company (which Boyko
left it in 2005) skidded down to the verge of bankruptcy (data about which
was revealed this week by Mykola Azarov).

The appointment of Boyko as head of the state’s entire fuel and energy
sphere may be evidence of its total crisis (especially in relation to
international deliveries of energy resources, first and foremost from the
East), or of signs of it and, as a result, of the need for the presence of
an experienced manager capable of rolling back the situation as a whole in a
very brief period on the eve of the winter heating season.

[19] MYKOLA RUDKOVSKYY, transport and communications minister
He is 39 years old, born in the village of Staryy Bykiv, Bobrovytsya
District in Chernihiv Region (it is interesting that a former transport
minister, Ivan Dankevych, was born in that district).

He graduated from the Chernihiv Teacher Training College (teacher of history
and sociology; Mr Rudkovskyy’s official biography asserts that for three
years he studied at the Vienna Economics University, however, following the
story of the “international diplomas” of Roman Zvarych [justice minister who
gave false information about his US degrees], one has to be cautious about
such information).

It is known that Rudkovskyy is an extremely wealthy person, but the question
is – from what.

In any event, in the 1990s he was a student (first in Chernihiv ands later
in Moscow and Vienna), after which he worked for two years in the
administration of President Leonid Kuchma (at the time that it was headed by

He then served another two as president of the Ukrainian State Credit and
Investment Company, where one of his subordinates was one of Yushchenko’s
comrades-in-arms – the chairman of the board of the State Savings Bank of
Ukraine [Oshchadbank], Oleksandr Morozov, and a year as deputy chairman of
the board of Ukrhazprom.

Then came the tape scandal, thanks to which the whole country learned about
Mykola Rudkovskyy, as it did about Yuriy Lutsenko.

It was precisely his front door that was “cut with oxyacetylene” (an
allegation by the new transport minister) by people from the special
services with the aim of getting their hands on some of the originals of the
notorious tapes that were located at the time in his home.

As a result, he came into the orbit of Moroz, becoming, like Lutsenko, his
adviser, and later a people’s deputy for the SPU [Socialist Party of

In March this year Rudkovskyy was elected city mayor of Chernihiv, but
renounced the job and, clearly guessed right. His present appointment can be
considered an act of gratitude on the part of the Party of Regions for
active participation in “the parliamentary battles” in July, during which he
lost several pieces of his upper clothing.

Seriously though, it is hard to say how competent historian Rudkovskyy is in
the area of transport and communications and how effective he is as a
manager – so far there has not been the opportunity to be convinced of
either. One thing is clear – Transport Ministry staff are not to be envied,
since their boss is known for his stern temper, his ready tongue and wealth
of expressions.

[20] MYKHAYLO PAPIYEV, labour and social policy minister
He is 46 years old, born in Zaporizhzhya and graduated from the Chernivtsi
State University (physicist). A considerable part of his life is connected
with Chernivtsi, where he worked for Elektronmash, Alyans and Polimermash
(in the latter two cases as CEO).

In 1997-2000 he was deputy chairman of the local regional state
administration, in 2000-02 – secretary of the regional committee of the
USDPU [United Social Democratic Party of Ukraine], from which he was elected
to the Supreme Council of the last convocation and thence joined the first
cabinet of Yanukovych, also as head of the Labour Ministry.

The return of a leader of the USDPU to the cabinet that he had left a year
and a half ago testifies not so much to the return of the United Social
Democrats to power as to simply the professional liking of Yanukovych for
Papiyev. So far as can be judged from his experience of 2002-05, he found
the work absolutely congenial, and the present prime minister has always
valued people with whom he has “working compatibility”.

What is more, Papiyev turned out to be not a bad minister; apart from
complaints regarding the mythical “spectacles for veterans” (mythical
because the story was not confirmed as a result of checks by law-enforcement
agencies) raised against him by [former Deputy Prime Minister] Mykola
Tomenko at the time of the Tymoshenko premiership, there were no particular
critical observations made about Papiyev even by his political opponents.

His forte is considered to be reform of the pension system that slowed down
with the coming of the orange authorities and now, it must be supposed, the
process will be resumed.

[21] SERHIY TULUB, coal industry minister
He is 53 years old, born in Donetsk and graduated from the Donetsk
Polytechnic (mining engineer-economist). He is an old-timer in the Cabinet
of Ministers, where he arrived back in 1998 to the same ministerial post.

Prior to that he worked as deputy to the chairman of the Donetsk Regional
State Administration, Yanukovych, and previously a large part of his working
life was connected almost exclusively with the coal industry, in which he
trod the path from mining foreman to general director of a number of
production associations.

In 1981-1983 and 1986-1990 he worked in the Khartsyzk town committee of the
CPU in Donetsk Region (in the latter case as first secretary), where the
newly appointed minister of the Cabinet of Ministers, Anatoliy Tolstoukhov,
was his colleague.

In 1999-2000 and 2004-05 he was minister of fuel and energy (here his
deputies were Yuriy Boyko; the general director of Enerhorynok, Yuriy Savka;
and the deputy chairman of Naftohaz Ukrayiny, Bohdan Klyuk). In 2000-02 he
was deputy to the secretary of the NSDC, Yevhen Marchuk.

In 2002-05 he was president of Enerhoatom (under the chairman of the
supervisory council, Andriy Derkach, who was elected to the current
parliament from the SPU and was one of the most active supporters of a
coalition between the Socialists and the Regionals).

He is known as an extremely efficient official, who does not sin by personal
initiatives, but strictly follows the spirit and letter of instructions from
higher authorities.

[22] ROMAN ZVARYCH, justice minister
He is 53 years old, born in New York (USA) and graduated either from the
Manhattan College or from Columbia University – various versions of his
biography interpret this page of his life variously, while Zvarych himself,
as is known, is also incapable of answering this question intelligibly.

His foreign biography (up to 1991) arouses certain doubts and questions. On
arrival in Ukraine he formally headed the Demos information and analysis
service, but actually engaged purely in politics (he joined the leading
bodies of Party of Reforms and Order and the People’s Movement of Ukraine
and was twice – not counting the current convocation of the Supreme
Council – elected a people’s deputy).

His only experience of administrative management comes from his leadership
of the same ministry in the Tymoshenko government (moreover, it is typical
that both then and now Zvarych started his activity by “outbidding” – with
hints of resignation).

This year and half have shown that Zvarych cannot be called a great
connoisseur of jurisprudence, and so those analysts are probably right who
consider that his present appointment was conditioned not so much by the
need to run the Justice Ministry (it is one of the few bodies of the central
executive that traditionally is distinguished by good organization of work
and selection of leading staff) as by the desire of Yushchenko to have his
own controller in the flow of statutory documentation, which, according to
legislation, has to be registered there.

Thus, the president is trying to safeguard himself against any government
resolution getting past him that runs counter to the policy and views of the
head of state.

[23] VOLODYMYR MAKUKHA, economics minister
He is 51 years old, born in the Russian town of Yaroslavl and graduated from
Moscow State University (mathematician).

He is a professional economist. He worked at the Consumer Cooperative
Research Institute and the Socioeconomic Problems Research Institute. Since
1997 he has been involved in the area of international economic relations.

In particular he occupied the post of deputy chief of the directorate of
investment projects of international financial organizations of the National
Agency of Ukraine for Reconstruction and Development and deputy chief of the
directorate of international investment programmes of the Economics

Since 2000 he has been in the system of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry: an
adviser to the Ukrainian embassy in the USA and head of the ministry’s
Economic Cooperation Directorate.

Since July 2004 he was a deputy to Foreign Minister Kostyantyn Hryshchenko,
from whom he “passed as a legacy” to Borys Tarasyuk (according to some
reports, relations between Tarasyuk and Makukha cannot be described as

In May this year he was appointed ambassador of Ukraine to Japan (with which
our country has a very large amount of investment projects), but, as we see,
he did not have time to show his worth fully in that post.

He is one of the five [as published – see paragraph one] “novices” in the
government. He is considered to be an adherent of the course of forming the
Single Economic Space (SES) between Ukraine, Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan.

It was originally assumed that Arseniy Yatsenyuk would remain at the head of
the Economics Ministry; he had managed to maintain even relations with (and
even gain the liking of) all the leading political forces in the country.
And so his absence in the new composition of the cabinet was somewhat
surprising, but not perplexing.

Evidently Yushchenko, who is favourably inclined towards the 32-year-old
manager, has decided to use him in another capacity.

It is not ruled out that he will become head of the National Bank (all the
more so in that Yatsenyuk spent almost the whole of 2004 as the country’s
chief banker in an acting capacity and performed rather well in that
capacity), since the present incumbent – Volodymyr Stelmakh – is already an
elderly man after all (in January he will be 67) and therefore should have a
worthy potential replacement.

[24] ANATOLIY TOLSTOUKHOV, minister of the Cabinet of Ministers
He is 50 years old, born in the town of Khartsyzk in Donetsk Region and
graduated from the Orel Teacher Training College [in Russia] (teacher of
history, sociology and English). His wife, Svitlana Tolstoukhova, works as
director of the state social service for the family, youth and sports.

He started his career as a teacher, teaching in a prison camp for minors and
in a vocational technical college. He spent two years as director of
boarding school in the town of Zuhres in Donetsk Region.

He also has experience of journalistic activity; he was head of department
at the Khartsyzk town newspaper Sotsialisticheskaya Rodina, was deputy
editor of the Volnovakha District newspaper Znamya Truda (both Donetsk
region papers), editor of the newspaper Zavtra (Kiev) and president of the
TV and radio company Svityaz (Kiev).

He was elected as a people’s deputy of the first and fourth convocations.

He is one of the most experienced professional bureaucrats (in the positive
sense of the word) in Ukraine. He is the main organizer of the government’s
work (this is actually what the minister of the Cabinet of Ministers does)
for the third time now (that was his job in the Valeriy Pustovoytenko
government and the first government of Viktor Yanukovych, as well as deputy
minister of the Cabinet of Ministers in the governments of Yevhen Marchuk
and Pavlo Lazarenko).

He is known as having a great capacity for work, assiduity, scrupulousness
and ability to work with people.                               -30-

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