Monthly Archives: November 2005

THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 608

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

“Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World”

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” – Number 608
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
FROM: KYIV, UKRAINE, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 2005

——–INDEX OF ARTICLES——–
“Major International News Headlines and Articles”

1. NO MORE CHEAP GAS, RUSSIA TELLS NEIGHBORS
By Maria Danilova, The Associated Press
AP, Moscow, Russia, Monday, November 28, 2005

2 UKRAINE OFFERS WEAPONS IN EXCHANGE FOR RUSSIAN GAS
Interfax, Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005

3. UKRAINE URGES COMPROMISE IN LATEST
GAS DISPUTE WITH RUSSIA
Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Thu, November 24, 2005

4. EUROPE’S GAS SUPPLY ‘AT RISK’ BECAUSE OF A
STAND-OFF BETWEEN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE
By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times
London, UK, Thursday, November 24 2005

5. RUSSIAN TV PUNDITS TAKE TOUGH LINE WITH UKRAINE
OVER GAS DISPUTE
BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Monday, Nov 28, 2005

6. UKRAINE LOOKING FOR SUPPORT ON OIL PIPELINE
Journal Staff Report, Ukrainian Journal
Kiev, Ukraine, Thursday, November 24, 2005

7. PRICE OF ELECTRIC POWER SUPPLIED BY UKRAINE TO
MOLDOVA WILL REMAIN UNCHANGED
Moldova.org. Chisinau, Moldova, Sat, Nov 26, 2005

8. UKRAINE: AGRARIAN POLICY MINISTRY SAYS CONSTRUCTION
OF TWO BIODIESEL PRODUCTION PLANTS MAY START IN 2006
Land for plants obtained in Zhitomir and Sumy Oblasts
APK-Inform, Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine, Fri, Nov 25, 2005

9. UKRAINE SEEKS PRIVATIZATION OF GIANT UKRTELEKOM
Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Wed, November 23, 2005

10. MITTAL COMPLETES KRYVORIZHSTAL PURCHASE
Associated Press, New York, NY, Friday November 25, 2005

11. CAMPAIGN KICKS OFF FOR KEY ELECTION IN UKRAINE
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Sat Nov 26, 2005

12. VIKTOR YANUKOVICH, EX-PRIME MINISTER OF UKRAINE
BEGINS HIS PARTY’S PARLIMENTARY CAMPAIGN IN RUSSIA
Will make Russian the second official language in Ukraine
ITAR-TASS, Moscow, Russia, Saturday, Nov 26, 2005

13. UKRAINIAN OPPOSITION LEADER YANUKOVYCH BEGINS
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION CAMPAIGN IN MOSCOW
NTN, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1500 gmt 26 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Sat, Nov 26, 2005

14. PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO’S PARTY MAY LOSE UKRAINE
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION AS ECONOMY SLOWS
Daryna Krasnoslutska in Kiev, Bloomberg
Moscow, Russia, Sunday, November 27, 2005

15. CLINTON OFFERS FOUNDATION’S HELP IN UKRAINE
By Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, November 28, 2005

16. IS THE FUTURE STIL ORANGE?
Irish Times, Dublin, Ireland Saturday, Nov 26, 2005

17.UKRAINE STRUGGLES TO MAKE ORANGE REVOLUTION WORK
Cynicism has befallen Ukraine, as many who hoped for so much
begin to feel that their ideals have been taken for granted
COMMENTARY: By Yulia Tymoshenko
Taipei Times, Taiwan, Friday, Nov 25, 2005,Page 9

18. UKRAINE’S BUMPY RIDE ONE YEAR AFTER ITS
“ORANGE REVOLUTION”
ANALYSIS: Kostis Geropoulos, Senior Reporter, New Europe
New Europe, Athens, Greece, Monday, November 28, 2005

19. SAY DOSVIDANYE TO DEMOCRACY
Here’s one solution. Draft Ukraine’s President Viktor Yushchenko,
a real democrat, to stand in for the Kremlin boss next year until
Russia proves itself worthy of this honor.
REVIEW & OUTLOOK: The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Thursday, November 24, 2005

20. BACK IN FROM THE COLD
Ukrainian woman trying to work in Ireland had two legs amputated
Irish Times, Ireland, Saturday, Nov 26, 2005

21. UKRAINE MUST STOP DEVASTATION OF THE DANUBE DELTA
ROMANIAN FOREIGN MINISTER SAYS
Foreign Minister Ungureanu asked Ukraine to respect Danube Delta
By Alecs Iancu, Bucharest Daily News
Bucharest, Romania, Monday, November 28, 2005

22. UKRAINE PRESIDENT CONFERS YAROSLAV THE WISE AWARD
ON AMERICAN HISTORIAN JAMES MACE POSTHUMOUSLY
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sat, November 26, 2005

23. FAMINE OF 1932-1933, BIGGEST CATASTROPHE IN
UKRAINIAN HISTORY
A most devastating weapon of mass destruction and social subjection
New Europe, Athens, Greece, Monday, November 28, 2005

24. UKRAINE MARKS SOVIET-ERA FORCED FAMINE
By Anna Melnichuk, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005
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1
. NO MORE CHEAP GAS, RUSSIA TELLS NEIGHBORS

By Maria Danilova, The Associated Press
AP, Moscow, Russia, Monday, November 28, 2005

Russia said Friday that it would stop supplying subsidized energy to some
former Soviet republics and charge them at world rates, putting further
strain on the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Russia — whose role as the region’s main energy provider gives it
considerable clout — has hinted it is trying to devise a new model for
dealing with ex-Soviet republics following mass upheavals that swept new
pro-Western leaders into power in some countries.

“We need to move away from gray, unclear barter payments and switch to
civilized payments, to world prices,” Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov said in
response to a question about Russia’s energy supplies to Ukraine, speaking
after a top-level CIS meeting.

Georgia, meanwhile, criticized Russia’s plans to nearly double its gas
prices, saying the move was politically motivated. And Ukraine has argued
over Moscow’s demands that it pay West European prices for its gas while
Moldova also faces higher gas rates. All three countries have leaders who
have worked to distance their countries from Russia.

However, Belarus, whose autocratic leader Alexander Lukashenko is on good
terms with Moscow, also enjoys subsidized gas rates, but these are not being
renegotiated.

Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Nogaideli, in Moscow for the CIS summit,
lamented Russia’s intention to raise gas prices to $110 per 1,000 cubic
meters from the current price of $60. He said the market price for the South
Caucasus region was $65 to $70 per 1,000 cubic meters. “We understand that
it is a political decision,” Nogaideli told reporters.

The summit participants signed a number of agreements, including on
economic, energy and humanitarian cooperation, Fradkov said. They also
agreed to work out a new scheme of contributions to the organization’s
budget.

The group’s next summit takes place in May in the capital of Tajikistan,
Dushanbe, Fradkov said. The CIS was created after the 1991 Soviet collapse
to maintain close ties between the newly independent countries.

But its usefulness has increasingly been questioned after the rise to power
of pro-Western opposition leaders in Georgia and Ukraine, and after the
communist government in Moldova turned away from Moscow.

Ukraine and Moldova sent lower-ranking representatives to the summit, which
was attended by the prime ministers of all other member states. Georgian
leaders are facing increasing calls from lawmakers to withdraw from the
group, but Nogaideli denied on Friday that Tbilisi had such plans.

“My very presence at the summit of prime ministers of CIS members removes
that question,” Nogaideli told a news conference. He added, however, that
the organization needed to increase its effectiveness. -30-
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2. UKRAINE OFFERS WEAPONS IN EXCHANGE FOR RUSSIAN GAS

Interfax, Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005

KYIV – Ukraine is prepared to offer Russia military equipment worth over
$1 billion in exchange for additional gas shipments, said Ukrainian national
oil and gas provider Naftogaz Ukraine’s chief Oleksiy Ivchenko.

The Ukrainian and Russian defense ministries, on the one hand, and Naftogaz
Ukraine and Gazprom, on the other, have been negotiating a new deal in the
past three months aiming to exchange Ukrainian weapons and military hardware
for Russian gas, Ivchenko said. Ivchenko did not elaborate on the military
hardware Ukraine could offer Russia.

“This is an absolutely new project, it has no relation to current gas
deliveries,” Ivchenko told journalists in Kyiv on Saturday after he was
asked by Interfax about prospects in Ukrainian-Russian relations in the gas
sector.

“This is a new project we started at the level of cabinet ministers and
Naftogaz Ukraine. We have set up a task force, and it is currently pursuing
this project. It involves weapons that are produced in Ukraine but are not
actually needed. But Russia needs them,” he said. -30-
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3. UKRAINE URGES COMPROMISE IN LATEST
GAS DISPUTE WITH RUSSIA

Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Thu, November 24, 2005

KIEV – Ukraine said Thursday that it was ready to compromise to settle the
latest natural gas dispute with Russia, a disagreement that could
potentially threaten supplies to western European customers. But a senior
Ukrainian gas official warned Moscow not to try to dictate the terms of the
agreement.

“We own the gas pipeline, we provide the transit service and it is us who
will say on what conditions we will offer this service,” Oleksiy Ivchenko,
head of the state-owned Naftogaz gas company, told reporters.

Under the current agreement, still valid through 2013, Russia pumps natural
gas to its European customers through Ukrainian pipes, and Ukraine, in turn,
gets a heavy discount on gas it purchases for its own needs.

Ukraine currently pays $50 for 1,000 cubic meters. But Russia proposed doing
away with the discount and paying Ukraine a transit fee instead, starting
2006. That could jack up prices for Ukraine to about $150, the same as
Moscow’s European buyers pay.

Ivchenko called Russia’s proposal unacceptable and complained that the
Russian demands looked like an ultimatum. “Russia need our transport service
as much as we need its gas,” said Ivchenko. “More than 80% of Russia’s gas
exports go through Ukraine’s territory.”

The dispute led to the abrupt postponement Tuesday of the planned visit by
Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov.

Ivchenko said Russia demanded that Ukraine accept their conditions so they
could sign the agreement when Fradkov was here, but he said it was
impossible because Kiev needed time to consider it.

Also Thursday, Ukraine’s Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov said he was
confident that Ukraine and Russia would find a compromise.

“We plan to complete negotiations … I think we will be able to announce
the decisions,” he said while on a visit to Slovakia, according to his
office.

Ukraine is one of the world’s largest energy importers and is heavily
dependent on Russia and the former Soviet republic of Turkmenistan for gas
supplies. Both Russia and Turkmenistan have increasingly taken a harder line
in negotiations with Kiev. -30-
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4. EUROPE’S GAS SUPPLY ‘AT RISK’ BECAUSE OF A STAND-OFF
BETWEEN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE

By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times
London, UK, Thursday, November 24 2005

Supplies of natural gas to Europe could be threatened by a stand-off between
Russia and Ukraine over the use of Ukraine’s gas pipelines, the Russian
government has warned.

Viktor Khristenko, Russia’s deputy prime minister for energy and industry,
said on Tuesday that Russia was ready to take “resolute measures” to
convince Ukraine to renegotiate a contract according to which Russia
supplies Ukraine with gas in return for use of Ukraine’s transit pipelines.
These carry about 20 per cent of the European Union’s gas supplies and 80
per cent of Russia’s gas exports.

Although Mr Khristenko did not say what measures might be taken, he
implied that Russia was considering the drastic step of reducing supplies
to Ukraine, which would have the effect of reducing supplies to the EU.

He said the lack of an agreement with Ukraine “could create risks not only
to the supply of gas to Ukraine, but in principle also to the supply of gas
to Europe”.

European diplomats in Kiev said they were confident Russia would not
actually reduce supplies, as that would undermine Russia’s reputation as a
reliable supplier. But the gas dispute was being watched “very closely”, one
diplomat said.

Mikhail Fradkov, Russia’s prime minister, cancelled a visit to Kiev
yesterday. Moscow said Mr Fradkov would not go until there was an
agreement on gas supplies and transit.

The current dispute is over prices. Since 2002, Russia’s Gazprom has
paidNaftogaz of Ukraine a volume of gas equal to 2.2 per cent of the gas
that crosses Ukraine for every 100km of transit, or about 23bn cubic metres
a year, in return for transit of about 115bn cu metres to the EU, Moldova
and Romania.

That means that as gas prices have shot up in recent years, Russia has
effectively been paying a much bigger bill for transit across Ukraine in
cash-value terms.

However, analysts in Ukraine also see politics in the dispute, as Gazprom
did not raise the price issue until after Viktor Yushchenko, a pro-western
liberal, became Ukraine’s president in January. Ukraine gets about 30 per
cent of its gas from the barter deal with Russia and imports another 45 per
cent via Russia from central Asia. -30-
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5. RUSSIAN TV PUNDITS TAKE TOUGH LINE WITH UKRAINE
OVER GAS DISPUTE

BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Monday, Nov 28, 2005

MOSCOW – On 22 November state-owned Channel One’s evening news
reported that Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov had cancelled a trip
to Kiev in connection with the ongoing dispute over gas deliveries to Ukraine.

Interviewed on the same bulletin, Industry and Energy Minister Viktor
Khristenko said the visit was cancelled because “unfortunately, no specific
agreement has been achieved on the new forms of collaboration in the gas
sector”.

As privately owned Ren TV noted the same evening, Ukraine currently pays 50
dollars per 1000 cu m. of Russian gas, while Russia is insisting on charging
the average European price of 150 dollars a barrel. The current gas deal
runs out on 1 January.

Pundits on Channel One and Moscow-government-owned Centre TV have
consistently attacked Kiev over its stance on the gas dispute, while
pointing out Ukraine’s dependence on Russian energy supplies. They have
been particularly angered by a statement by the head of the Ukrainian state
energy company Naftohaz that if a new agreement is not reached by 1
January, Naftohaz will resort to a “technical removal” of gas from the
transit pipeline supplying gas to Europe.

Mikhail Leontyev used his Odnako opinion slot on 22 November to spell
out the consequences of Ukraine’s policy. “If the revolutionaries carry out
their promise to steal transit gas, that is, someone else’s gas, then it may
be supposed that Russia will stop supplying gas through the Ukrainian
pipeline. And the whole responsibility for the collapse of the Ukrainian
economy and an energy crisis in Europe will lie with our Ukrainian
comrades,” the pro-Kremlin commentator remarked.

In an earlier edition of Odnako on 10 November Leontyev had ridiculed
Ukrainian plans to supply its gas shortfall with deliveries from
Turkmenistan. Apart from being odd from the geo-strategic point of view, the
plan will not work because all the gas in question is contracted to Gazprom
from 2007, Leontyev pointed out. “There is no free gas in Turkmenistan for
Ukraine,” the pundit stressed, facetiously suggesting that Yushchenko try
Africa instead.

Leontyev continued in ironic vein to point out the logic of Russia asking
European prices for its gas after the Orange regime had so clearly steered a
course for Europe and the West. This aspect of the issue was highlighted on
Centre TV’s Postscript on 12 November, which accused Kiev of hypocrisy
in its dealings with Moscow.

“All the talk of fraternal relations with Russia does not stop the
Ukrainians from intensifying negotiations with the USA about entry to NATO
and from joining Georgia in support for Orange Revolutions,” the programme
stressed.

Indeed, pro-Kremlin spin-doctor Gleb Pavlovskiy suggested there is a direct
link between Ukraine’s desire for cheap gas and its NATO aspirations.
“Fradkov has refused to allow Russian money to be used to pay Ukraine’s
debt of honour,” Pavlovskiy said.

He explained that Ukraine had secretly promised to join NATO on terms which
require it to spend 90bn dollars on modernizing or converting its armed
forces, money it does not have and needs to recoup from cheap gas supplies.
“If Ukraine does not change its position, it will result in a real gas war,”
Pavlovskiy warned.

Russia’s long-term plan for dealing with the gas transit issue was outlined
by state channel Rossiya (RTV) in its coverage on 17 November of ceremonies
in Turkey to mark the official opening of the Blue Stream pipeline that
transports Russian gas under the Black Sea.

The Blue Stream and the projected North European gas pipeline, which is to
carry gas from Russia to Germany under the Baltic Sea, form a two-pronged
strategy, RTV explained. “Both these routes allow Russia to obviate the
problematic transit through Ukraine, which has effectively refused to enter
into a gas-transit consortium with Russia, with a view to repairing
ramshackle pipes,” the correspondent noted.

Channel One said that bypassing Ukraine means having “stability and
predictability in gas deliveries”.

Ren TV highlighted the geopolitical aspects to gas dealings in the Caucasus.
A report on 17 November stressed that the Blue Stream pipeline is primarily
a political project intended to counter the effects of the
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline.

While the late-night bulletin on 22 November suggested that a dispute over
gas prices was behind a resolution in the Georgian parliament for Tbilisi to
withdraw from the CIS. “It is likely that clouds gathered over Georgia’s
membership of the post-Soviet organization after Russia announced an
increase in the price of gas,” presenter Olga Romanova noted.

In the same bulletin, Romanova interviewed Georgian State Minister for
Economic Reforms Minister Kakha Bendukidze about the gas issue. She
asked him if Tbilisi was really threatening to convert to Azerbaijani gas
supplies, which would effectively cut off Russian gas from Armenia.

Bendukidze replied that this was not a threat, but simply one of the
possible consequences of gas dealings. He insisted that it is just a
“question of economics”.

Ren TV returned to the gas issue in its Nedelya current affairs programme on
26 November. Presenter Marianna Maksimovskaya said that gas disputes
could lead Ukraine and Georgia to form a “union with the Baltic States in
united opposition against Russia”. -30-
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6. UKRAINE LOOKING FOR SUPPORT ON OIL PIPELINE

Journal Staff Report, Ukrainian Journal
Kiev, Ukraine, Thursday, November 24, 2005

KIEV – Ukraine on Thursday sought to secure support from Poland and
Slovakia for a project that would enable imports of Caspian Sea crude oil to
Europe via Ukrainian territory.

President Viktor Yushchenko, following talks with his Polish counterpart
Alexander Kwasniewski, said both countries agreed to go ahead with
building a Brody-Plock pipeline to handle the imports.

Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov, on a visit to Slovakia, sought Slovakian
investments for the same pipeline, but also for building a new oil refinery
in Ukraine.

Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and possibly Ukraine, all currently
relying on Russian oil imports, may become immediate consumers of
Caspian oil that will moved via Odessa-Brody oil pipeline.

The talks with Poland and Slovakia come a week after Ukraine had conducted
negotiations with Kazakhstan, a major producer of Caspian oil, highlighting
Ukraine’s efforts to match demand with supply.

The efforts also underscore Ukraine’s determination to launch supplies of
Caspian oil via Odessa-Brody in order to cut dependence on Russian oil,
which accounts for 80% of its annual demand.

“Today we can say that political part of negotiations is completed,”
Yushchenko said at a press conference after the talks with Kwasniewski.
“The project is given a green light.”

Odessa-Brody, capable of moving 12 million metric tons of oil annually, was
completed in August 2001, but stayed idle for almost three years as Ukraine
then had failed to match demand with supply.

This and other reasons, including political pressure from Russia, forced
Ukraine to start moving Russian oil via Brody-to-Odessa route in October
2004 for exports by oil tankers via the Black Sea.

But Yushchenko, a pro-Western politician, sworn in as the president in
January, pledged to turn Ukraine’s policy toward greater integration with
the European Union and arranging Caspian oil deliveries is seen a step in
this direction.

Odessa-Brody has to supply at least 5 mln metric tons of oil annually in
order to make profits, but potential supplies have so far been limited at 4
mln tons, including 2 mln from Azerbaijan and 2 mln from Kazakhstan.

Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who faces re-election next month,
visited Ukraine last week to reassure Yushchenko that Kazakhstan was much
interested in the project.

Meanwhile, the demand part was limited by a lack of pipeline that would
carry Caspian oil to Poland, which means such supplies could be handled by
railroad tanks from Brody to several Polish refineries.

About 4 mln tons of oil could be diverted from Brody to Slovakia and the
Czech Republic via Druzhba oil pipeline, but such deliveries run risk of
mixing supplies of Russian and Caspian crude within Druzhba.

In order to boost demand, Ukraine has last month announced plans of
building a $3 bln oil refinery in Brody, near the border with Poland, that
would be capable of refining 8 million tons annually. The refinery would
rely
on Caspian oil and would export much of the produced gasoline to the
European Union, government officials said.

Yushchenko said: “Other things are being done to make sure that this oil
project takes off in the near future. I believe this is a continental
project.” (tl/ez) -30-
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http://www.ukrainianjournal.com/index.php?w=article&id=1777
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7. PRICE OF ELECTRIC POWER SUPPLIED BY UKRAINE TO
MOLDOVA WILL REMAIN UNCHANGED

Moldova.org. Chisinau, Moldova, Sat, Nov 26, 2005

Ukraine will continue to supply Moldova with electric power at the current
price of 2.35 cents per kWh, as agreed by Moldovan Prime Minister Vasile
Tarlev and Ukraine’s Energy Minister Ivan Plachkov at a meeting in Piestany,
Slovakia, town that hosts the summit of the Central European Initiative.

The officials discussed the prospect of ensuring the electrical energy
security of Moldova and of Ukraine’s Odessa region after the Cuciurgan Power
Plant stopped supplying the right bank of the Dniester with electric power.

Ivan Plachkov said Ukraine is ready to redistribute the energy resources and
supply Moldova with the necessary amount of electric power in the cold
season of the year.

As to the more efficient interaction between the energy systems of Moldova
and Ukraine, the sides agreed to solve this problem in future, in common
with Romania and the European Union.

Moldova needs now about 400 megawatts of power more to ensure the
country’s electrical energy security. Some 33 percent of the internal power
consumption is covered at present from own resources.

Moldovan and Romania have recently signed a contract for the supply of 200
megawatts of power to Moldova if need be. The power will be supplied
through the three 110 kV lines existing between the two countries.

Besides, a project for the construction of the electric power lines
Balti-Suceava and Falciu-Cantemir- Gotesti is to be implemented by
October 1, 2006. -30-
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http://economie.moldova.org/stiri/eng/6902/
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8. UKRAINE: AGRARIAN POLICY MINISTRY SAYS CONSTRUCTION
OF TWO BIODIESEL PRODUCTION PLANTS MAY START IN 2006
Land for plants obtained in Zhitomir and Sumy Oblasts

APK-Inform, Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine, Fri, Nov 25, 2005

KYIV – Agrarian Policy Ministry of Ukraine hopes that construction of two
biodiesel production plants with 100,000 tonnes of annual capacity each will
be started in the first quarter of 2006, the Minister Olexandr Baranisvsky
said to a news conference Friday.

“We will be doing our best so that the construction be started in the first
quarter of 2006,” he said. He said that the land for the construction of
both plants had been already allocated in Zhitomir and Sumy Oblasts. The
project is going to be financed both from budgetary and private investment
funds.

He said that cost of each of the plants was approximately $35 million. The
construction is going to last about one year. -30-
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LINK: http://www.agrimarket.info/showart.php?id=31269
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9. UKRAINE SEEKS PRIVATIZATION OF GIANT UKRTELEKOM

Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Wed, November 23, 2005

KIEV – Ukraine’s government asked lawmakers Wednesday to approve a
long-delayed privatization of the country’s largest telecommunications
company, Ukrtelekom.

The government sent to parliament a bill envisaging the sale of Ukrtelekom
at an open auction similar to the recent privatization auction of flagship
steel plant Kryvorizhstal.

Ukrtelekom’s privatization has been repeatedly postponed since President
Viktor Yushchenko came into power in January, as well as under his
predecessor Leonid Kuchma.

A transparent tender is likely to draw significant foreign interest and a
high price, but the risk is that a foreign owner might raise tariffs at the
telephone monopoly and anger consumers.

In October, the world’s largest steel producer, Dutch-listed Mittal Steel
(MT), snapped up Kryvorizhstal for 24.2 billion hryvnas ($4.8 billion),
more than double the starting price in the biggest and most profitable
privatization auction this ex-Soviet republic has held.

The plant was originally bought last year by Kuchma’s son-in-law Viktor
Pinchuk and another tycoon for $850 million, but the new government
assumed control of the giant steel mill and put it back on sale.

Yushchenko has sought to undo some of the privatization deals that saw
many of Ukraine’s industrial gems sold off for a pittance during the
decade-long rule of Kuchma. -30-
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10. MITTAL COMPLETES KRYVORIZHSTAL PURCHASE

Associated Press, New York, NY, Friday November 25, 2005

NEW YORK – Mittal Steel Co. NV. said on Friday it completed its $4.84
billion acquisition of Ukraine’s Kryvorizhstal steel plant.

As part of the agreement, the Rotterdam, Netherlands-based steel producer
has acquired 93.02 percent of the interest of Kryvorizhstal for roughly 3.59
billion shares of Mittal Steel. The transaction was financed through
Mittal’s cash and credit.

Mittal said it has identified $200 million in synergies with the
Kryvorizhstal plant, some of which may be realized by the end of 2006. The
company said that it has taken control of the Ukraine plant, and has named
Narendra Chaudhary as chief executive of Kryvorizhstal.

Shares of Mittal, which have traded between $22.11 and $43.86 over the last
year, closed down by 27 cents at $27.19 on the New York Stock
Exchange. -30-
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11. CAMPAIGN KICKS OFF FOR KEY ELECTION IN UKRAINE

Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Sat Nov 26, 2005

KIEV – Ukraine has kicked off a campaign for a key parliamentary election
next March, which forces supporting President Viktor Yushchenko will
need to win in order for the president to continue with the pro-Western
course he has avowed for the ex-Soviet nation.

Ukraine’s central election commission had decreed Saturday the official
start of campaigning for the March 26 election, during which voters will
choose a new parliament, regional councils and city chiefs.

Because of constitutional changes that enter into force on January 1, 2006,
the party that wins a majority of seats or is able to form a viable
coalition in the 450-seat Upper Rada legislature will name the prime
minister and form the government, powers currently held by the president.

Unlike previous years, all of the parliamentary seats will be elected by
proportional representation, meaning voters will be casting ballots for
parties which will need to get at least three percent of the national vote
in order to enter the legislature. -30-

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12. VIKTOR YANUKOVICH, EX-PRIME MINISTER OF UKRAINE
BEGINS HIS PARTY’S PARLIMENTARY CAMPAIGN IN RUSSIA
Will make Russian the second official language in Ukraine

ITAR-TASS, Moscow, Russia, Saturday, Nov 26, 2005

KRASNOYARSK – Viktor Yanukovich, ex-prime minister of Ukraine and leader
of the Party of Regions, began his electoral campaign in Krasnoyarsk on
Saturday. He made a report at the sixth congress of the United Russia Party,
which is under way here, and spoke mostly about the relations between Russia
and Ukraine.

Yanukovich promised that if his party won the parliamentary elections, he
would radically improve the relations between our two countries and would
complete the formation of the Common Economic Space, made up of Belarus,
Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine.

He repeated the promise, made during the 2005 presidential campaign, to make
Russian the second official language in Ukraine. Yanukovich expressed
confidence that United Russia would be his partner in tackling those
problems.

Responding to questions of journalists, Yanukovich rejected the idea of
cooperation with Yulia Timoshenko. He said political cooperation with one of
the Ukrainian opposition leaders was out of the question. “Ex-Prime Minister
Timoshenko brought the Ukrainian economy down to the lowest possible level.
It is impossible to cooperate with her,” he said.

An electoral campaign before the elections to the Supreme Rada (parliament),
scheduled for March 26, 2006, began in Ukraine on Saturday. Yanukovich is
attending the congress of the United Russia Party as a guest. -30-
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13. UKRAINIAN OPPOSITION LEADER YANUKOVYCH BEGINS
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION CAMPAIGN IN MOSCOW

NTN, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1500 gmt 26 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Sat, Nov 26, 2005

[Presenter] Gas relations that are beneficial for Ukraine are under a big
question mark, a congress of the One Russia progovernment party has
confirmed. The neighbours want to sell us gas at world prices and want
barter payments stopped immediately.

The political congress of the One Russia party was held in Krasnoyarsk
today. The gas issue was not on the agenda, but Russian officials were
fairly categorical in their interviews. Ruslan Kukharchuk has the details.

[Correspondent] The bears, which is the name of the progovernment One
Russia party, held their first congress in Russia’ geographical centre, the
Krasnoyarsk Territory. [Passage omitted: A description of the Soviet-style
congress.]

[Correspondent] [Ukrainian opposition leader] Viktor Yanukovych attended the
congress too. But he did not come for a party membership card. The head of
the Party of Regions decided to announce from Russia that his party had
begun the election campaign. Speaking at the congress, he criticized the
actions of the current Ukrainian authorities.

The head of the Party of Regions said that the main reason for current
economic problems is poor relations with Ukraine’s northern neighbour
[i.e.Russia]. He is confident that both sides should come to an agreement on
gas supplies rather than put ultimatums.

[Yanukovych, in Russian] We understand Russia. However, we believe that
gas is the key issue for Ukraine. When taking decisions, one should take
everything into account. We should move to cash payments for gas. There is
no doubt about that. As regards prices, I think there should be no rapid
changes.

[Correspondent] But the number of radical Russians who want to raise the
price of gas is not getting smaller. Gas should be sold to Ukraine at world
prices and no concessions should be made, they say.

[Russian Emergencies Minister Sergey Shoygu, in Russian] Speaking about gas
and our relations with Ukraine, my position completely coincides with a more
radical view.

[Vladimir Vasilyev, head of the State Duma security committee, in Russian]
First and foremost, Russia is protecting its own interests and the interest
of its people. Of course, we will proceed from this. We cannot build
relations with other countries and nations to our people’s detriment.

[Correspondent] Russia is now threatening Ukraine with 160 dollars per 1,000
cu.m. of gas. In addition, it also suggests that no barter payment is used
in the future. This is far from being beneficial for Ukraine, which imports
a third of the gas it consumes from Russia.

Uncertainty about the terms of gas supplies during the heating season could
cause a serious crisis. So, a Ukrainian party that will manage to
effectively promote Ukraine’s gas interests will manage to significantly
boost its rating in the parliamentary election next year. -30-
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14. PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO’S PARTY MAY LOSE UKRAINE
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION AS ECONOMY S
LOWS

Daryna Krasnoslutska in Kiev, Bloomberg
Moscow, Russia, Sunday, November 27, 2005

KIEV – A popular uprising known as the Orange Revolution swept Ukrainian
President Viktor Yushchenko to power a year ago. A similar victory is
unlikely for his party in parliamentary elections in March.

Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine Party has the backing of 12.4 percent of the
voters, according to a Nov. 3-13 survey of 1,993 people by the Kiev-based
Razumkov Center. The poll had a margin of error of 2.3 percent. Yushchenko
is lagging behind the Regions Party and a group led by former Prime Minister
Yulia Timoshenko.

“Expectations were very high, and I’m not just talking here about money,”
said Yuriy Ohulshanskyi, 73, a Kiev retiree who attended a Nov. 23 rally.
“Our leaders made a mistake when they failed to sustain the revolutionary
enthusiasm. They should have told us that even harder work was ahead of us.
Instead, they told us to expect immediate paradise.”

Since Yushchenko’s victory in a re-run election in December, growth in
Ukraine’s $65 billion economy has faltered and citizens say corruption
remains as rife as in the days of his predecessor Leonid Kuchma, who was
criticized for stifling free speech and fixing asset sales.

Millions poured onto the streets of Kiev last November after Kuchma’s
preferred successor was declared the winner of rigged presidential
elections. Yushchenko promised more democracy, closer ties to the European
Union, and rising living standards.

Campaigning for the March 26 parliamentary elections began on Nov. 26. The
head of the winning party will become prime minister, whose powers will be
expanded for the first time to include some responsibilities now held by the
president, including the right to appoint the cabinet. Parties have until
Dec. 25 to pick candidates.
YUSHCHENKO FOE
The Regions Party, led by former Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, Kuchma’s
candidate who ran against Yushchenko for the presidency last year, ranked
first with 17.4 percent support, according to the Razumkov Center survey.
Timoshenko’s alliance, which she has cobbled together since her dismissal on
Sept. 8, placed second with 12.8 percent.

“Such diverse political groups were united under the Orange banner that they
were bound to split after they won, simply because the political ambitions
of each of the groups’ leaders were too high,” said Oleksandr Lytvynenko, a
researcher at the Kiev-based Center for Political and Economic Studies. “On
top of that, the president didn’t have enough political will to push through
economic and political changes.”

Yanukovych’s victory sparked the revolution when U.S. and EU observers
ruled the balloting was rife with fraud. The results were voided after
millions of people, many wearing the orange color of Yushchenko’s party,
demonstrated on Independence Square and across the former Soviet republic.

Yushchenko won the re-run election Dec. 26 and was sworn into office Jan.
21.
DISAPPOINTMENT
“There is disappointment,” said Olha Hnotovska, a 45-year-old university
employee who took part in the street protests last year that brought
Yushchenko, 51, to power. She spoke after the Nov. 23 rally on Kiev’s
Independence Square. “The revolution wasn’t about personalities. We were
defending the freedom to choose.”

Yushchenko dismissed his cabinet on Sept. 8 amid accusations of graft and
accepted the resignation of his head of national security, Petro Poroshenko.

Timoshenko, who stood at Yushchenko’s side during the revolution, was
fired after Yushchenko said he lost confidence in her ability to improve the
economy and fight corruption.
SLOWING ECONOMY
The economy may expand 4 percent this year, one-third the pace of 2004,
after companies deferred investments following government seizures of
properties that were sold by Kuchma at discount prices.

The annual inflation rate will probably top 10 percent this year, Yushchenko
said Nov. 22, higher than the 8 percent he forecast on June 16. The trade
deficit by September ballooned to $748 million from a surplus in July, as
exports waned. The average monthly wage of $133 a month is still a fraction
of Germany’s $4,500 a month.

“The economy can’t get much worse; it will improve, because there is a new,
competent, government in place now,” said Marianna Kozintseva, New-York
based emerging market strategist at Bear Stearns Cos. “Growth slowed
because of major mistakes by Timoshenko’s government.”

Lawmakers have yet to approve changes that would harmonize Ukrainian laws
with those of the World Trade Organization’s members. Ukraine, which has
been trying to join the WTO since 1997, may enter the organization next
year, after missing a 2005 deadline, Yushchenko said on Nov. 22.
TIMOSHCHENKO COMEBACK?
Since her dismissal, Timoshenko has criticized Yushchenko, saying the
administration of her successor, Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov, is too
closely allied with the nation’s richest businessmen.

She said on Nov. 22 that the two political leaders should patch up their
differences and work together during the campaign to ensure Yanukovych
doesn’t take power.

“If we don’t stick together, Yanukovych will have his revenge,” Timoshenko
said in a Nov. 22 speech. “This isn’t just a possibility. There is a 100
percent chance of this happening.”

Lytvynenko at the Center for Political and Economic Studies, didn’t rule out
a coalition of Yushchenko, Timoshenko and Yanukovych. “The majority will
be formed by this troika, as none of them will be able to form a majority
all by themselves,” he said. -30-
———————————————————————————————–
To contact the reporters on this story: Daryna Krasnoslutska in
Kiev, through the Moscow newsroom at greynolds1@bloomberg.net
http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=10000085&sid=a.pvAFQelR.g&refer=europe
——————————————————————————————-
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========================================================
15. CLINTON OFFERS FOUNDATION’S HELP IN UKRAINE

By Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, November 28, 2005

KIEV, Ukraine — Former President Clinton on Sunday praised Ukraine’s
reforms since last year’s Orange Revolution but counseled Ukrainians to
have patience.

“It takes time to build the kind of vibrant, progressive, forward-moving
nation that you are all working to build,” Clinton said at a news conference
with Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko.

Many Ukrainians have expressed disappointment at their nation’s failure
to improve living standards and battle corruption since last year’s mass
protests against election fraud.

There have been no demonstrable improvements in poverty rates, and
Yushchenko’s approval ratings have plunged after a split with his Orange
Revolution partners and allegations of corruption against some of his
closest aides.

Clinton came to Ukraine to offer his foundation’s help to this ex-Soviet
republic in its struggle against HIV and AIDS and to hold brief talks with
Yushchenko.

The United States played an important role in condemning the fraud-marred
vote and calling for a revote, which Ukraine’s Supreme Court ordered and
Yushchenko won.

“I see a more vibrant democracy, freedom of speech, a more aggressive, free
press and freedom of political assembly and the kind of disagreements that
characterize any modern democracy,” Clinton said.

Yushchenko’s party faces a tough challenge in March as Ukrainians elect a
new parliament. Yushchenko repeated a call for the country’s democratic
forces to unite. “Solidarity and unity is the most original concept for
bringing victory in the 2006 parliamentary elections,” he said.

Under a deal signed Sunday, the Clinton Foundation will provide training for
medical professionals who deal with HIV patients and will help Ukrainians
get access to HIV medications at discounted prices.

Ukraine has one of the fastest-growing HIV rates in the world, with some
experts suggesting that as many as 500,000 people – 1 percent of the
population – are infected. -30-
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========================================================
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========================================================
16. IS THE FUTURE STILL ORANGE?

Irish Times, Dublin, Ireland Saturday, Nov 26, 2005

Ukrainians had high hopes after the Orange Revolution, but a year later
progress has been slow, writes Chris Stephen from Kiev
The first time I met teacher Svetlana Simonova and her daughter Valery, on a
cold November day at the start of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, I thought it
might be the last.

Observers had just announced that the government had rigged a presidential
election and democracy appeared about to be snuffed out.

These were the early days, before Kiev was swamped with crowds
half-a-million strong. Just a few thousand gathered on the city’s main
Kreschatik boulevard with no clear idea what to do if the tanks arrived.

“I have come here to make sure that my daughter has a future,” said Svetlana
(50). “I am not frightened of the tanks. The boys who drive them have
mothers and families just like us.” It was a brave statement, but when I
left them, huddled like penguins against the snow flurries, I wondered if I
would ever see them again.

Now, one year later, we are back at the exact same spot on the boulevard –
with the same freezing weather. And now there are smiles on faces once
etched with anxiety.

“You need to understand our history,” says Valery (26). “For 300 years we
had no freedom. Maybe we are not exactly free yet, but we have made a first
step.” It is, she admits, a small step. Ukraine may have democracy, but it
also has chaos.
The revolution ended with high hopes when opposition champion Viktor
Yushchenko, his face disfigured by a poisoning attack, was elected
president.

In office, Yushchenko launched many reforms, but most have run into the
ground. The media, now free, happily charts the infighting at the top of the
administration and its failure to sort out the economy, end corruption or
even find out who poisoned the president.

Although Yushchenko is not tainted by corruption, the media has focused on
the high living and fast cars of his 19-year-old son, and his bizarre
attempt to patent the slogan of the revolution, which was “Tak” or “Yes”.

In September Yushchenko sacked his prime minister, the glamorous Julia
Tymoshenko. In the revolution they had been a fine double-act but in office
they fought, and now the “orange vote” is split between the two of them
ahead of parliamentary elections next March.

Meanwhile the leader of the former government, Viktor Yanukovich, blamed
by many for rigging the elections, has stayed out of trouble and held onto his
support among ethnic Russians.

Despite all this, the Simonovas are optimistic. “We won the right to have
elections,” says Svetlana simply.

The women reveal an extra reason for their decision to risk their lives on
the barricades: Just before the rigged election, Svetlana’s husband
Anatolie, a doctor, had died after a long illness. He had been a lifelong
campaigner for Ukraine’s independence, and they felt their presence was in
part to honour his memory.

The year has been a rocky one for them. Valery lost her job in March when
the travel agency she worked for went out of business. The agency was
connected to the old regime, and lost out in the blizzard of reforms.

BUT TYMOSHENKO’S CAMPAIGN against corruption in the customs
service has opened a new door, enabling Valery to set herself up as a
one-woman export business, selling carved wooden horses and other folk
art to France and Germany.

“After the Orange revolution I realised that I have to make my own
decisions,” she explains. “I have many problems but I know I can solve
them.”

Further up Khreschatik I meet Maxim Kukovsky, who I last saw as the burly
tough-talking head of security of Pora, the most radical of the opposition
groups. By the time I met him, the revolution was in full swing and his big
worry was that the camp would be infiltrated by fifth columnists, hence his
demand to see my passport and press pass.

TODAY I MEET a very different Maxim, all affable smiles and self-deprecating
jokes. The 34-year-old businessman with a soft round face shows me a tree, a
few feet from where we stood back then, which he says marks the saddest
memory of his four-weeks in Tent City.

Around this tree he poured four litres of Jameson which some kind soul had
donated amid the mountain of food, clothing and firewood. “We had a strict
no-alcohol policy so it had to go,” he explains. “This is the richest soil
in all of Kiev,” he says wistfully.

Like Valery, Maxim (34) has had a rocky year. Orders for his small computer
business fell during his four weeks as a revolutionary, then suffered again
amid the turmoil of reform.

Yet he too insists the revolution was a success – not because of the
government it ushered in, but because democracy itself was entrenched.

“The big difference is that now, for the new elections in March, people can
choose. For the last elections, they could not choose. So now they have
hope,” he says. “Life is difficult, yes, but when was it ever easy?” A year
ago academic Dr Olexy Haran worried about civil war.

The country was split between the majority Ukrainian speakers, who backed
the opposition, in the west and the minority Russian-speakers, who backed
Yanukovich, in the east. Those in the west wanted to join the European
Union, those in the east a union with Russia. With Ukraine now heading down
a long road to the EU, the split remains but talk of war has fizzled out.

“Do I think the Orange Revolution was positive?” says Dr Haran. “The answer
is yes, and in capital letters. The most important thing is that nobody can
use administrative resources the way they were used before.” Yanukovich
supporters are thin on the ground in Kiev.

One middle-aged woman, Nadya, who did not give her second name, said she
supports Yanukovich because Yushchenko broke his promises. An ethnic
Russian, she also has a more practical worry. Ukrainian remains the
country’s only official language, to the fury of the ethnic Russians. While
their language is denied official status, Yanukovich can be certain of their
backing.

Despite its beauty, with dozens of golden-domed churches looking out from
high bluffs over the slow-flowing Dnipre, Kiev has yet to see its recent
fame translate into a tourist boom.

But long-time resident Desmond Reid, manager of the Irish pub O’Briens,
thinks it will happen. He plans to open two new pubs, sure that democracy is
now entrenched and prosperity will follow.

“The revolution was a success for people power,” he tells me. “They did it
once and they know they can go out and do it again.” -30-
——————————————————————————————-
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========================================================
17. UKRAINE STRUGGLES TO MAKE ORANGE REVOLUTION WORK
Cynicism has befallen Ukraine, as many who hoped for so much
begin to feel that their ideals have been taken for granted

COMMENTARY: By Yulia Tymoshenko
Taipei Times, Taiwan, Friday, Nov 25, 2005,Page 9

One year after our Orange Revolution, many Ukrainians see its ideals as
betrayed. Belief in a government answerable to the people and in a
transparent market purged of insider dealing no longer guides government
policy. Instead, the ideals for which we struggled appear as slogans invoked
by those who want to protect their vested interests.

Cynics explain this by saying that our “Orange” ideals were never anything
but the rationalizations of one set of oligarchs struggling to overthrow
another. Once masters of the situation, it is said, the zeal of those who
promised reform mutated into a zeal to preserve their private wealth and
that of their friends.

How did Ukraine reach this state of cynicism? A year ago, everyone gathered
in the streets of Kiev knew what we were standing up against: a corrupt
government that sought to command life and labor, and to dispose of state
property, at its will.

In so far as formal legal rights existed, no court could be relied upon to
enforce those rights when our rulers saw their interests as challenged.
`[W]hen people do not believe that their government adheres to this higher
spirit of law, no Constitution is worth the paper it is written on.’

In evicting that regime, we believed that this form of absolutism was ended.
Instead, those who benefited from the regime’s corruptions insisted that
their rights to the property they had stolen were inviolate. These crony
capitalists argue that, if they were left alone to develop their assets,
they would make the country prosperous. Tamper with property, no matter
how ill-gotten, and no investor will have confidence, they claim.

That is the oldest excuse to justify wrongdoing: The end justifies the
means. But power — be it political or economic — without legitimate
origins is arbitrary. An economy that appears arbitrary and illegitimate in
the eyes of the majority of people may, for a time, run on the false
confidence of easy profits.

Corruption, however, is inevitable because the rule of law, which is the
market’s ultimate guarantor, depends on the consent of all its participants
and their belief in its core fairness.

A radical lawlessness was at the heart of Ukraine’s privatization process.
So we must not be tricked by the fact that those who gained economic power
by looting state assets now employ lawyers, invoke free market nostrums, and
claim to follow the letter of the law.

For there is such a thing as a lawless legality. It is found when
governments deny that in making or interpreting laws, they are bound by the
spirit of the law.

In this respect, the oligarchs and their political placemen who insist that
their right to stolen property is sacred make the same crude claim as the
regime that we overthrew: that they have an indefeasible right to the
exercise of power. They reject the principle that there is a law which is
superior to presidents, magnates, majorities, or mobs.

If their claim is upheld, then the cynics are right: Our revolution was
merely about whether one class or another, one person or another, would
obtain the power to work his or her will.

Endorsing the claim to arbitrary power is the cardinal heresy of those who
say we should certify property stolen from the state as rightfully owned. I
call this a heresy because it rejects the supremacy of equality under law
and proclaims the supremacy of particular men. This is alien to any and all
concepts of liberty. It is the legalism of the barbarian, and the nihilist
philosophy that everyone has in reaction against the coming of political and
economic liberty to Ukraine.

Legal primitives are not alone in embracing this stance. Many economists
also believe that ownership of stolen goods must be recognized. They liken
the transition from communism to the state of nature described by John
Locke.

So they imagine the property rights acquired through cronyism, nepotism and
backroom dealing as somehow emerging from a Lockean realm of freedom.
When my government questioned this assumption, they cried out that this was
interference by the state with legitimate property rights.

Another group also succumbed to this delusion. Some who a year ago displayed
great public spirit came to feel, when in government, that they could not
vindicate the supremacy of law without curtailing economic growth.

Because the grind of government can obscure enduring principle, people
inspired by the best motives now find themselves on the same side as their
criminal adversaries. They have, I believe, lost their way and taken a path
that can only lead back to the supremacy of arbitrary power.

Indeed, the denial that men may be arbitrary is the higher law by which we
must govern. Without this conviction the letter of the law is nothing but a
mask for bureaucratic caprice and authoritarian will. For when people do not
believe that their government adheres to this higher spirit of law, no
Constitution is worth the paper it is written on; no business transaction is
safe.

For maintaining a constitutional order and viable free market requires an
intuitive dislike of arbitrariness, a sensitivity to its manifestations, and
spontaneous resistance.

This was why my government sought to recover stolen state property. By doing
so, and then auctioning that property in a transparent manner, Ukrainians
saw that arbitrary action could be redressed, that the rule of law applied
to the powerful as well as the weak.

The lesson is clear: If a president may not act willfully, arbitrarily, by
personal prerogative, then no one may. Ministers may not. Parliament may
not. Majorities may not. Individuals may not. Crowds may not. Only by
adhering to this higher law will Ukraine develop the consciousness of law
that true liberty demands.

By identifying the law with their vested rights, the oligarchs who have [for
now] derailed the ideals of the Orange Revolution sought to shield their own
interests from challenge. But because men pervert a truth, there is no
reason to abandon it.

If, as we were taught by Marx, belief in a higher law is a mixture of
sentimentality, superstition and unconscious rationalizations, then the
predations that incited the Orange Revolution are in reality the only
possible conditions in which we can live.

We must give up the hope of liberty within an ordered society and market and
resign ourselves to that interminable war of all against all of which Hobbes
spoke.

Indeed, the policies now being offered seem hostile to the ideals of our
Orange Revolution. We are asked to choose between social solidarity and
economic growth. To escape from want we are told, we must embrace
illegality. To promote truth, we are told that old crimes must not be
examined.

These choices are as false as they are intolerable. Yet these are the
choices offered by our influential doctrinaires. But to see these as
Ukraine’s only options is to mistake weariness for wisdom, and to be
discouraged rather than to understand.

For the search for law has an irresistible energy. No human obstruction can
long withstand it. Though we may take a step back now and then, only by
adhering to this higher law can Ukraine achieve freedom and prosperity for
all. Achieve it we will. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
Yulia Tymoshenko was prime minister of Ukraine from February to
September, 2005
——————————————————————————————-
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18. UKRAINE’S BUMPY RIDE ONE YEAR AFTER ITS
“ORANGE REVOLUTION”

ANALYSIS: Kostis Geropoulos, Senior Reporter, New Europe
New Europe, Athens, Greece, Monday, November 28, 2005

Ukraine, which marked the first anniversary of its “Orange Revolution” last
Tuesday, is a different place. There is a fundamental change of approach in
politics and economics, the government is slowly doing away with bureaucracy
and corruption and the country is gradually moving on its pro-European
course. But, at the same time, the “orange” dream team has split amid
infighting, economic growth has slowed, and the climate ahead of the
country’s parliamentary elections in March 2006 is uncertain as ever.

Last Tuesday, tens of thousands flooded Kiev’s main square, many hoping for
reconciliation between President Viktor Yushchenko and former prime minister
Yulia Timoshenko on the anniversary of the revolution that ushered the
one-time allies to power.

Yushchenko was initially defeated by Viktor Yanukovich in a run-off vote
that was considered to be fraudulent, leading to the massive protests and an
eventual ruling by Ukraine’s highest court nullifying the outcome.
Yushchenko prevailed in a new election on December 26, 2004.

In September 2005, Yushchenko, a moderate politician supporting free
markets, sacked the hard-line Timoshenko, replacing her with pragmatic Yuri
Yekhanurov.

Yushchenko criticised Timoshenko’s policies, which he said brought this
former Soviet republic to the brink of economic collapse. Former
presidential candidate Yanukovich seeks to take advantage of the split.

All eyes are now upon the March 2006 election when Ukrainians will be called
upon to elect a new parliament and one-time prime minister and no one knows
who will win.

Experts agree Ukraine’s next election will be fair and peaceful. “There are
a lot of problems but Ukrainians are trying to solve the problems in a
peaceful way and they’ve got a real political fight going on and this is
natural,” analyst Lilya Shevtsova of the Carnegie Endowment think tank in
Moscow told New Europe.

“Despite of the fact that economic growth has decreased and there is a lot
of disappointment, the most important thing is Ukrainians are ready to solve
their problems on the basis of consensus, political struggle, compromise
without using military might and there is a consensus that Ukraine has to be
part of Europe and this is optimistic,” Shevtsova said.

“The fact that thousands of the people despite of this frustration came to
the Maidan (Independence) Square and still celebrated the first anniversary
of revolution is also very telling. It says that still population of Ukraine
is together with its political regime,” she added.

“Ukraine is going in the right direction. It’s just a rough ride at the
moment,” Martin Nunn, the director of White’s International, a public
relations firm in Kiev, told New Europe. “The only good advice I would give
to any investor at the moment is literally ‘watch this space’ because the
potential of this country is … China at Europe’s doorstep. It may be a
difficult place to do business but it’s worth it if you can.”

The government is trying to improve the investment climate in Ukraine. “The
international business community and top Ukrainian industry are working
together with the office of the president through the Foreign Investment
Advisors Council to come back with country changes that need to be put into
place in order to make a more attractive investment environment. Basically
trying to undo the damage Mrs. Timoshenko managed to achieve,” Nunn said
telephonically from Kiev.

When she was prime minister, Timoshenko’s calls to revisit thousands of
privatisation deals of state assets scared off foreign investors and the
dramatic increase of social payments stoked inflation. During Timoshenko’s
tenure in office, Ukraine’s GDP annual growth fell from 12 percent to four
percent.

Nevertheless, she remains very popular among Ukrainians. “Mrs. Timoshenko has
a very well-oiled marketing and public relations machine which she uses very
effectively,” said Nunn, who is a public relations expert. “The presidential
public relations and marketing machine is more honest but less effective.
She is certainly popular because she’s making populist promises, which is
highly unlikely she will ever be able to deliver,” Nunn opined. Expectations
were set too high after the “Orange Revolution.”

Nunn said the government has done rather well. “There is a lot achieved in
this country but people expected a lot more. They expected that after they
had a revolution, everything would change. The revolution achieved a
fundamental change of approach and it’s taking time to actually to filter
through.

The sad part about it is people are actually worse off that they were before
the ‘Orange Revolution’ but they also recognise that as a result of the
revolution there is now and there will be in the future a more equal
distribution of all the national wealth,” he said.

Many Ukrainians, who expected the country to make a dramatic turnaround out
of poverty and corruption, were also disappointed. “The problem now is that
the real levels of corruption are becoming visible. So people think there is
an increase in corruption. I don’t believe that’s the case. I believe there
is an increase in the visibility of corruption. Unfortunately they are the
people that are in power in the bureaucracies who are making the most out of
corruption and that filters down the system,” Nunn explained.

On the positive side, laws give Ukrainians more individual power. “Now one
of the things they very strongly consider is the legal ability in the system
to do away with something like 2000 stupid regulations. That in itself is
going to have a flying impact because it will simplify lots of the processes
and thereby take away the possibility for corrupt practises,” Nunn said.

Doing away with corruption is expected to be a major issue at the upcoming
parliamentary elections, which are likely to be dominated by party politics
rather than industrial functions since the qualifications for political
parties have been raised.

Were elections to be held last week, seven Ukrainian political parties would
be likely to pass the three percent barrier needed to sit in parliament,
according to a poll conducted by the Image Control pollster from November 17
to 22, in which 2,000 respondents across Ukraine were questioned.

The poll shows that 20.2 percent of respondents would vote for the Party of
the Regions led by Yanukovich, 17.8 percent would cast their ballots for the
People’s Union Our Ukraine with Yushchenko as honorary president and 15.7
percent would vote for Batkyvshchyna, led by Timoshenko.

Eight percent of those polled would cast their ballots for the People’s
Party led by Parliament speaker Volodymyr Litvin, 6.3 percent for the
Socialist Party led by Alexander Moroz, six percent for the Communist Party
led by Petro Symonenko and 3.7 percent for the Progressive-Socialist Party
led by Natalia Vitrenko.

Whether another alliance between Yushchenko and Timoshenko is in the cards
after the March 2006 election is unclear. “Mrs Timoshenko is playing games
here and what she did systematically through the whole of her prime
ministership was try to out position and outmanoeuvre the president and that
to me is totally unacceptable for a prime minister,” Nunn opined.

Timoshenko told the crowd gathered on the Maidan last Tuesday: “I want to
dismiss all the rumours that it is Timoshenko versus Yushchenko. This cannot
be so because this is the president that you and I helped bring to power. We
did it together.” -30-
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
19. SAY DOSVIDANYE TO DEMOCRACY
Here’s one solution. Draft Ukraine’s President Viktor Yushchenko,
a real democrat, to stand in for the Kremlin boss next year until
Russia proves itself worthy of this honor.

REVIEW & OUTLOOK: The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Thursday, November 24, 2005

In just over a month, Vladimir Putin takes the rotating presidency of the
G8, the elite club of industrialized democracies. We can thank the Duma for
a timely and damning update on the state of democracy in Russia itself.

By a margin of 370 to 18, the legislature yesterday took the first step
toward severely curbing foreign and, though less widely reported, domestic
non-governmental organizations. After Mr. Putin’s previously successful
efforts to rein in opposition parties, his United Russia bloc controls the
Duma, and will likely rubber stamp this bill into law in the next two
readings, unless the Kremlin backs off. A chorus of protest might help
concentrate minds there.

The attack on the NGOs, among the last independent institutions left, comes
as no surprise, of course. Mr. Putin has virtually destroyed the other
pillars of civil society. After his elevation to the presidency by Boris
Yeltsin in 2000, the former KGB officer neutered the media. Next came the
purge of billionaire Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who dared support dissident
voices and ended up in a Siberian Gulag. Last year, Mr. Putin cancelled
direct elections for local government.

George Bush has been tough on his “friend Vlad” for Russia’s steady slide
toward authoritarianism — in a welcome change in tone, dating to last year,
that makes America one of the last pressure groups for democracy left in
Russia. But Mr. Putin, enjoying support from Europe, gives no sign of
listening.

The latest law would require Russia’s 400,000 noncommercial associations to
reregister with the state within a year — in other words, before the next
Duma elections in 2007. The government would then approve or reject them.
Considering the Gogolesque state of Russian bureaucracy, one can easily
surmise that the intention is to put any groups unfriendly to Mr. Putin &
Co. out of business. The law also makes it near impossible for foreign
NGOs — like Human Rights Watch and the Carnegie Endowment — to stay in
Russia.

Which, naturally, is the whole point. The Duma’s vote yesterday coincides
with the one-year anniversary of the start of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution.
Ever since then, the Putin establishment has lived in fear of a similar
spontaneous outbreak of democracy at home. By this conspiracy theory,
foreign-backed NGOs planted the seeds of the collapse of the discredited
regimes in Milosevic’s Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine and, earlier this year,
Kyrgyzstan.

Next door in Belarus, Europe’s last fully-fledged tyrant Alexander
Lukashenko years ago shut down the NGOs. The Polish dailies Gazeta
Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita yesterday published partly blacked-out
front pages. Under the black, the papers observed: “This is what freedom
of speech looks like in Belarus.” With Mr. Putin following the Lukashenko
model, similar protests may soon be directed at Russia.

The G8 finds itself in a pickle, handing the reins to Mr. Putin just as he
further banishes democracy at home. Here’s one solution.

Draft Ukraine’s President Viktor Yushchenko, a real democrat, to stand in
for the Kremlin boss next year until Russia proves itself worthy of this
honor. -30-
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
20. BACK IN FROM THE COLD
Ukrainian woman trying to work in Ireland had two legs amputated

Irish Times, Ireland, Saturday, Nov 26, 2005

Last New Year’s Day, a homeless Ukrainian woman in Co Antrim had two
severely frostbitten legs amputated – now Oksana Sukhanova has a job, an
apartment and is walking again, reports Susan McKay

This time last year, Oksana Sukhanova was desperately seeking work in shops
and factories around the north-western towns of Ballymoney in Co Antrim and
Coleraine in Co Derry. “They all said, ‘No vacancies – try again after
Christmas’,” she recalls. But by Christmas, the 28-year-old Ukrainian woman
was homeless and on the streets.

On New Year’s Day, 2005, she was rushed to hospital where she was found to
have such severe frostbite that surgeons had to amputate both of her legs
below the knees. She has come a long way since then. She’s working. She’s
walking. She’s smiling.

“I left the wheelchair at the nursing home,” she says. “I prefer to walk.”
In her jeans and runners, it would be impossible to tell that she has
prosthetic legs if you didn’t know. She moves slowly but gracefully, though
friends worry that she has perhaps pushed herself too far, too quickly. “I’m
fine,” she says, with her big, radiant smile.

She understands a lot of English but is not yet a fluent speaker, and
replies in Russian. Anna, a Russian woman who works for the local health and
social services trust while studying to be a social worker, translates. Anna
is married to a local man and is Oksana’s friend now.

Oksana is from Sebastopol, on the Black Sea. She went to university and got
a degree in accounting and finance. She worked in business and as a
secretary. It was after her marriage broke up that she decided to leave
Ukraine. “I went to an agency and they suggested Ireland. It was an
expensive deal – I had to borrow the equivalent of a few years’ salary from
my friends and relations.”

When she got here, she was told she had a job in McKeown’s poultry factory
in the village of Rasharkin in Co Antrim, near Ballymoney. She paid a
deposit and rent for a room in a company house in Ballymoney, sharing with
two other women from Ukraine and three from Latvia.

Plucking turkeys wasn’t exciting work, and she had the skills and
qualifications for better, but she was happy enough. “We only got the
minimum wage of GBP4.50 (6.60) an hour, but it was okay because I
worked a lot of overtime.”

A few months later, one of the other migrant women workers was sacked.
“She called the agency but they just told her to go away, it wasn’t their
problem. They told her if she didn’t want to be deported she should just
leave the house and disappear.”

Then, in September 2004, Oksana was sacked. “I’d been told by the agency
that because I had a permit for a year I’d be safe. But the supervisor just
told me I wasn’t following the rules of hygiene and I was to leave.”

SHE IS STILL very angry about what happened. “I wasn’t given a chance to
say anything. There was no trade union or anything like that. The other workers
were shocked. They knew I was a good worker. There had been no problem
before that. But they were afraid to say anything. It was really terrible.
It was two months before I got holiday money they owed me.”

The company said she left “by mutual agreement”, that it offered to organise
her return to Ukraine and that it provides support for its migrant staff,
including information in their own languages. It wished her well.

Oksana moved in with some Polish men she knew who were also working in the
area. No vacancies came up. She was not eligible to seek other work, but she
didn’t know this. Her savings were dwindling. She was getting depressed.

Then, coming up to Christmas, the Poles returned to Poland. “I was left on
the street. I stayed in a cheap hotel for a few nights, but then I had no
more money,” she says. “After that, I was just sitting outside. I slept on
the streets. I didn’t eat.”

Her eyes fill, and then she cries hard for a few moments, her long hair
falling like a curtain to cover her face. “It is better not to have had this
experience,” she says bleakly.

In the rush and excitement of the days before Christmas, no one seems to
have noticed the lovely young woman with nowhere to go, or if they did they
didn’t ask any questions. It was very cold. She doesn’t remember those days
and nights in any detail. She didn’t know she’d spent New Year’s Eve on the
streets.

She did know, eventually, that she was very ill. “I made my way to the house
I’d lived in when I worked at the factory, and I asked them to call an
ambulance,” she says. One of the women who was at the house when Oksana
arrived said she looked “very awful.” She was brought to the Causeway
Hospital in Coleraine, but was then transferred to the City Hospital in
Belfast, where she was operated on within days. A surgeon said it was the
worst case of frostbite he had ever seen. She was lucky to survive.

OKSANA BECAME AWARE that her plight had been described in newspapers
and on television when gifts and cards began to arrive at the hospital. “I was
very grateful. I even got cards from people saying I could come and live with
them,” she says. An Irish friend brought her books in Russian. “Classics,”
she says. “I read Tolstoy’s War and Peace.”

She was in hospital for five months. “I was also given a chance to go on a
scheme the Causeway Trust runs for disabled people who want to go back to
work. It was good. I made candles and had some English classes.”

“My parents wanted to come and get me and bring me home,” she says. “I told
them I wouldn’t ever go back. Able-bodied people can hardly survive in
Ukraine. Disabled people just die. My parents’ friends have a son who fell
off a roof and broke his spine. He is completely paralysed. To survive, his
parents had to sell their flat and look after him,” she says. “I can hope
for a much higher standard of living here.”

She has permission to stay in Northern Ireland for three years now, and is
working again, using a microscope at MFL, a small computer parts factory in
Coleraine. “They are very nice. I hope I can stay there,” she says. She has
to go to work by taxi at present. “I need a car. I’m not really mobile at
the moment,” she says. “I’m doing my test in Londonderry later this month.”

The flat the Simon Community has made available to her near the River Bann
in the centre of Coleraine is spacious, modern and accessible. She moved
into it in June and can stay until next June. She spends a lot of time there
on her own, watching soaps in English on a big television.

Her friend still brings her the Russian classics. “I’m reading Michail
Sholokhov at the moment,” she says. Her only sibling, her younger brother,
Vitaliy, has just gone home after visiting her for two weeks. “I miss my
family very much,” she admits. “My brother is a welder. He loved it here and
would love to come back and stay but he would have to go through the agency
and raise that horrendous amount of money.”

Vitaliy was able to visit with the help of money from the trust fund set up
for Oksana by local SDLP Assembly Member John Dallat, along with the St
Vincent de Paul Society, soon after her terrible story was publicised last
January. The SVDP organised a sponsored walk. Local Orangemen organised a
sponsored burger-eating session. There was a benefit in a pub.

Bernadette McAliskey, who runs the South Tyrone Empowerment Project (Step)
in Dungannon, Co Tyrone, says Oksana’s case highlights scandalously poor
provision for migrant workers across the North. The Step centre largely
caters for the substantial Portuguese-speaking community in mid-Ulster.

“The Northern Ireland administration needs to recruit and train qualified
and bilingual people from the migrant community to give people advice on
their rights, in their own language,” she says. In the new year, Step will
be employing two international immigration advice lawyers. “Section 75 of
the Good Friday Agreement puts the onus on the State to ensure that people’s
rights are vindicated,” says McAliskey.

DALLAT AND HIS wife Ann and their children have become friends with
Oksana. “She is proud and very self-sufficient but her needs are considerable
and they are long-term,” Dallat says. “She needs a car and a decent place of
her own in a safe area. She needs a lot of support and she needs people to
be generous. Long-term she will need skills training. She’s an extremely
courageous young woman, but the battle she is fighting is too big for her to
win on her own.”

This Christmas, Oksana says she’ll probably just watch television in the
apartment. It will be heaven compared with last year. “I was very
unfortunate, but my life is fine now,” she says. “People have been very
kind, helping me, and I thank them all. I think everything is very good
now.” Then she smiles and repeats in English: “Very good. Very good.”

Oksana Sukhanova’s trust fund is with Cater Allen Private Bank, sort code
165710, account number 54139077. -30-
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
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========================================================
21. UKRAINE MUST STOP DEVASTATION OF THE DANUBE DELTA
ROMANIAN FOREIGN MINISTER SAYS
Foreign Minister Ungureanu asked Ukraine to respect Danube Delta

By Alecs Iancu, Bucharest Daily News
Bucharest, Romania, Monday, November 28, 2005

BUCHAREST – A Ukrainian commission has established that the Bastroe
Canal, feared to have a severe negative impact on the Danube Delta biosphere,
will not present any risk to the environment.

“We ask our neighbors to respect the long chain of international conventions
Ukraine has signed and to stop this devastation of the north-eastern Danube
Delta,” said Foreign Minister Mihai Razvan Ungureanu, expressing his
disappointment over the conclusions of a Kiev commission on Bastroe.

A team appointed by the Ukrainian government concluded that construction of
the Bastroe Canal in the Delta would not endanger the environment, although
the project has been widely criticized by several non-governmental
organizations and environmentalists as very dangerous to the Delta’s
biosphere.

The Bastroe Canal, inaugurated on August 26 last year, would allow Ukraine
direct access to the Black Sea. The construction was halted after an EU
investigation commission asked Kiev to stop all works until a thorough
impact study is made available.

According to Ungureanu, the commission’s decision means that the Ukrainian
government will resume the pursuit of its economic interests and continue
with the construction of the canal.

Ungureanu also referred to the commission’s conclusions as “paradoxical,”
as they contradict the observations made by international environmental
organizations and the Romanian authorities involved in the case.

“We are forced to remind our Ukrainian friends that any administrative
decision to continue work on the canal would severely affect the Delta,”
said the minister, asking the Kiev authorities to take into consideration
all the inquiries run by international independent commissions, which
concluded that the project would indeed be harmful.

“We are very firm, we believe this is an issue of great political importance
and I don’t think we have anything to negotiate. It’s about preserving an
environment that is unique in Romania,” concluded Ungureanu.

The Danube Delta, which has been part of the UNESCO world heritage since
1991, currently hosts about 90 species of fish and 300 species of birds, of
which many are extremely rare or about to become extinct. Specialists say
the construction of the canal could seriously disturb the ecological and
hydrological balance in the area and gradually affect the whole Danube
Delta.

Romania, which shares ownership over the Delta with Ukraine, has repeatedly
tried to convince Ukraine to give up the project, but has so far failed. The
project further increased tension in relations between the two countries, as
Kiev did not inform Romania when it began construction and also failed to
provide an impact study.

In spite of the numerous requests made by the government and the criticism
expressed by the European Commission, the Council of Europe, several EU
member states, and the U.S. State Department, Ukraine continued to refuse to
stop the work.

Non-governmental organizations concerned with the preservation of world
heritage and the environment have repeatedly protested against the Ukrainian
authorities’ decision, without result.

Ukraine finally agreed to halt the project until an international experts’
commission had assessed the effects the canal will have on the Delta’s
environment. -30-
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
22. UKRAINE PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO CONFERS YAROSLAV THE
WISE ON AMERICAN HISTORIAN JAMES MACE POSTHUMOUSLY

Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sat, November 26, 2005

KYIV – President Viktor Yuschenko has conferred the Yaroslav the Wise
Order II on American researcher and public figure James Mace posthumously.
Ukrainian News learned this from decree No. 1655 of November 26.

The order is bestowed for personal merits to the Ukrainian nation in
revealing the truth to the world community about the 1932-1933 Great
Famine in Ukraine, for fruitful research work and public activities.

As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Ukraine commemorates the victims
of great famines and political repressions on November 26. According to
different estimates, from three to seven million people died of famine in
Ukraine in 1932-1933. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
FOOTNOTE: For those of us who knew and worked with Jim Mace
we are certainly pleased about this award from President Yushchenko.
We thank the President for awarding this honor to Dr. James Mace.
I visited with Jim’s wife, Natalia, over the weekend in Kyiv and of
course she is very proud of this honor for her late husband. It still
does not seem right to come to Kyiv and for Jim not be here. EDITOR
——————————————————————————————–
NOTE: The new book, “Day and Eternity of James Mace”
published by The Day in Kyiv, in English or in Ukrainian, is available
from the www.ArtUkraine.com Information Service. If you are
interesting in finding out how to order the new book please send an
e-mail to ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net. EDITOR
——————————————————————————————–
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
23. FAMINE OF 1932-1933, BIGGEST CATASTROPHE IN
UKRAINIAN HISTORY
A most devastating weapon of mass destruction and social subjection

New Europe, Athens, Greece, Monday, November 28, 2005

KIEV – On November 26 Ukraine marked the Day of Commemoration for the
victims of the Ukrainian famine. The first mass famine that had started just
after the civil war and suppression of Ukrainian revolution seized a
considerable part of Ukraine Zaporizhiya, Donetsk, Katerynoslav, Mykolaiv,
Odessa provinces.

There were to some extent objective reasons behind it – the 1921 drought,
economic consequences of WWI and of the civil war.

But the main reasons for famine were the collapse of the agricultural policy
of the regime of that time, reduction of areas under corps in once fertile
in grain territories as a consequence of ‘war communism’ policy, directive
methods of management of communist leadership of the country, which
reallocated resources primarily to industrial centres, predominantly outside
Ukraine.

In 1932-1933 the Famine re-grasped the same regions of Ukraine, but this
time it was caused predominantly by political reasons.

The Famine of 1932-1933 was by no means an accident. Quite opposite,
it was the result of systemic totalitarian state terror by starvation – in other
words, the result of genocide.

The mass physical extermination of Ukrainian farmers by artificially caused
starvation to death was a deliberate act of political system against
innocent civilians, according to a press statement released last Friday.

The deep scar left in the history of Ukraine by the Famine in 1932-1933 is
intertwined with other tragedies experienced by Ukrainian people in XX
century – WWI, civil war of 1917-1920, famine of 1921-1923, political purges
of 1937-1939, WWII in 1939-1945 that brought occupation and Holocaust,
yet another famine of 1946-1947.

But the humanitarian consequences of the Famine are still incomparable.
Given the anti-Ukrainian focus and its scale, the Famine of 1932-1933 proved
to be the most devastating weapon of mass destruction and social subjection
of peasants used by totalitarian regime in Ukraine. -30-
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
24. UKRAINE MARKS SOVIET-ERA FORCED FAMINE

By Anna Melnichuk, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005

KIEV, Ukraine — Olena Tuz was 6 years old when she saw a neighbor throw
the body of a naked woman into a pit on the edge of a remote forest in 1932.
Flesh had been cut from the body.

“People ate people, mothers ate their own children. They didn’t realize what
they were doing, they just were hungry,” said Tuz, standing at a
thousand-strong rally in the capital Kiev to commemorate victims of the
Soviet-era forced famine that killed up to 10 million Ukrainians.

On Saturday, relatives and survivors lit 33,000 candles in Kiev —
representing the number of people who were dying daily at the famine’s
height.

The Soviet dictator Josef Stalin provoked what the Ukrainians called the
Great Famine in 1932-1933 as part of his campaign to force Ukrainian
peasants to give up their land and join collective farms. During the height
of the famine, which was enforced by methodical confiscation of all food
by the Soviet secret police, cannibalism was widespread.

Those who resisted the confiscation were sent to Siberia; a person taking a
wheat ear from a field was to shot on the spot.

“The state system that made possible such crimes should be punished by the
court of history,” Ukraine’s President Viktor Yushchenko told the crowd.

Hanna Kucherenko, from the village of Kryvonosivka in the northern Chernihiv
region, said her grandfather was among those who died in the famine. “Many
years later, I was hiding bread in my pockets, and I still cannot throw out
a piece of bread,” she said.

The famine was kept secret by the Soviet authorities. Only in 2003 did
Ukraine declassify more than 1,000 files documenting it.

On Friday, the Pulitzer Prize Board said it would not revoke a prize awarded
in 1932 to Walter Duranty, a reporter for The New York Times who was
accused of ignoring the famine in Ukraine to preserve his access to Stalin.
The board said there was not clear evidence of deliberate deception. -30-
———————————————————————————————-
NOTE: The Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA) will be assisting
in the famine/holodomor/genocide commemorations in Ukraine during
November of this year and through the 75th anniversary commemoration

in 2008. Contributions can be sent to the Federation at 930 Henrietta
Avenue, Huntingdon Valley, PA 19006. Please designate your donation
for the Dr. James Mace Memorial Holodomor Fund. EDITOR
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
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Director, Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA)
Coordinator, Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC)
Senior Advisor, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF)
Chairman, Executive Committee, Ukraine-U.S. Business Council
Publisher, Ukraine Information Website, www.ArtUkraine.com
Member, International Ukrainian Holodomor Committee
=======================================================
Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
=======================================================

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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 607

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

“Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World”

INTERNATIONAL DAY OF MEMORY – UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE

The Holodomor – “Famine-Terror Death for Millions” 1932-1933
Worldwide “Light-A-Candle” Campaign
Saturday, November 26, 2005



33,000 CANDLES TO LIGHT UP NIGHT SKY IN KYIV IN
REMEMBRANCE OF MILLIONS OF VICTIMS OF UKRAINIAN
GENOCIDE-HOLODOMOR-DEATH BY TERROR-FAMINE

33,000 Ukrainians were dying every day at the height of the
genocidal famine in the Spring of 1933

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” – Number 607
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
FROM: KYIV, UKRAINE, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 2005

——–INDEX OF ARTICLES——–
“Major International News Headlines and Articles”

1. 33,000 CANDLES TO LIGHT UP NIGHT SKY IN KYIV IN
REMEMBRANCE OF MILLIONS OF VICTIMS OF UKRAINIAN
GENOCIDE-HOLODOMOR-DEATH BY TERROR-FAMINE
E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005

2. PRESIDENT OPENS EXHIBITION TO HONOR FAMINE VICTIMS
Press office of President Victor Yushchenko of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

3. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO CALLS ON WORLD
TO RECOGNIZE SOVIET-ERA FAMINE AS GENOCIDE
Associated Press (AP), Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

4. ‘PEOPLE WERE EATING PEOPLE’
Survivors recall 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine with horror and tears
By Nick Martin, The Winnipeg Free Press
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, Monday, November 21, 2005

5. LITHUANIAN SEJM RECOGNIZES FAMINE OF 1932-1933
IN UKRAINE AS GENOCIDE
Interfax-Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

6. UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN RUSSIA TO MARK DAY OF
MEMORY OF FAMINE AND POLITICAL REPRESSION VICTIMS
ON NOVEMBER 26
Tatyana Gordiyenko, Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Fri, Nov 25, 2005

7. DAY OF FAMINE VICTIMS MARKED IN BELARUS
Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

8. UKRAINIAN AUSTRALIANS CALL FOR CITIZENS TO LIGHT A
CANDLE ON SUN, NOV 27 TO COMMEMORATE THE MILLIONS
WHO PERISHED IN THE GREAT UKRAINIAN FAMINE
(HOLODOMOR), AN ACT OF GENOCIDE IN 1932-1933.
Australian Federation of Ukrainian Organizations
Representing 24 Peak Ukrainian Organizations in Australia
Member of Ukrainian World Congress
Australia, Saturday, November 26, 2005

9. RELEASE OF SOVIET-ERA DOCUMENTARY COLLECTION ON
UKRAINIAN HOLODOMOR, FAMINE-GENOCIDE OF 1932-1933
Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association
Calgary, Alberta, Canada, Monday, November 21, 2005

10. NATIONWIDE CANDLE LIGHTING AND BELL RINGING
PROGRAM FOR USA: UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE REMEMBRANCE
Nick Mischenko, President, Ukrainian Genocide Foundation – USA
Chicago, Illinois, Monday, November 21, 2005

11. UKRAINE’S REP TO UNITED NATIONS SPEAKS AT HOLODOMOR
1932-1933 MEMORIAL SERVICE AT ST. PATRICK’S CATHEDRAL
Reads statement from Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko
STATEMENT: by H.E. Valeriy Kuchinsky, Ambassador,
Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the United Nations
St. Patrick’s Cathedral, New York, New York, November 19, 2005

12. PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: MESSAGE IN COMMEMORATION
OF THE 72ND ANNIVERSARY OF THE UKRAINIAN FAMINE
The White House, Washington, D.C., Saturday, November 19, 2005

13. UKRAINE DEMANDS ‘GENOCIDE’ MARKED
A quarter of Ukraine’s population was wiped out in just two years
BBC NEWS, United Kingdom, Friday, November 25, 2005

14. ‘THE FIGHT TO STAY ALIVE’- UKRAINIAN HOLODOMOR
EXHIBITION OPENED IN KYIV, UKRAINE
What Ukrainians were forced to eat to defy death by hunger
By E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005

15. PART FOUR: WHY DID STALIN EXTERMINATE THE UKRAINIANS?
Comprehending the Holodomor. The position of soviet historians
By Stanislav Kulchytsky, Ph.D. (History), Part Four
The Day Weekly Digest in English # 37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
=========================================================
1. 33,000 CANDLES TO LIGHT UP NIGHT SKY IN KYIV IN
REMEMBRANCE OF MILLIONS OF VICTIMS OF UKRAINIAN
GENOCIDE-HOLODOMOR-DEATH BY TERROR-FAMINE

E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005

KYIV – Kateryna Chumachenko Yushchenko, now First Lady of
Ukraine, told me on Holodomor Remembrance Day in November of
2003 that a dream of her husband, Victor Yushchenko, now President
of Ukraine, and herself was to have the anniversary of the death of
millions in Ukraine marked by lighting 33,000 candles, representing the
number of people who died every day at the genocidal famine’s height
in the spring of 1933, in the area between St. Sophia and St. Michael’s
cathedrals in Ukraine.

Today the long-held dream of Kateryna and Victor Yushchenko will
finally come true. At 4 p.m. the 33,000 candles will be lit in the
squares of two of Kyiv’s famous cathedrals and in the space
between.

Several thousand candles were lit in courtyard of St. Michael’s
square in November of 2003. It was a very moving, impressive sight
and experience. The lighting of 33,000 candles tonight will be just
an unbelievable, very emotional, unforgettable moment.

There will the planting of a Kalyna (snowball) tree at St. Andrew’s
Chapel in Kyiv on Saturday morning. Around 2 p.m. several thousand
persons, representing every oblast in Ukraine, will march from St.
Sophia Cathedral to St. Michael’s Cathedral where the Holodomor
Monument is located. At the Monument will be a memorial religious
service headed by the leaders of various faiths.

At 4 p.m. President Yushchenko will declare a National Moment
of Silence and the lighting of the 33,000 candles will begin. The
President will ask all citizens of Ukraine, all the Ukrainians around
the world and friends of Ukraine to also light a candle.

A Requiem will begin at 5 p.m. at the National Shevchenko Opera.

President Yushchenko began the Holodomor remembrance
events on Friday at the opening of the largest Holodomor Memorial
Exhibition every held in Ukraine at the Ukrainian House. The President
spoke and then spent an hour looking at the various exhibits.

The rotunda of the Ukrainian House included six large banners hung
for the fourth floor balcony that included the names of Holodomor
victims, ‘infamous’ quotes by Stalin, and newspaper and photo
accounts of the genocidal famine in Ukraine. On the walls were over
40 panels of documents related to Soviet oppressions against
Ukraine in the 1930’s.

The exhibits included a gallery of 50 Holodomor artworks by
artist Franchuk. The major portion of the exhibition was the display
of 300 paintings, posters, graphics, linocuts by Mykola Bondarenko,
photographs, folk-art, and other historical Ukrainian items from my
private collection and from the collection of the International
Ukrainian Genocide-Holodomor Committee.

We gave President Yushchenko a personal tour where he stopped
and gave personal comments on many of the items in the Exhibition.
Several times he stopped to take photographs of several of the
posters on display with his own camera.

The Holodomor Exhibition will be open every day at the
Ukrainian House through Tuesday, November 29th.

The Exhibition of items from the collection of the International
Ukrainian Genocide-Holodomor Committee and the private
collection of Morgan Williams is being sponsored by the
Dr. James Mace Holodomor Memorial Fund of the Ukrainian
Federation of America, Zenia Chernyk, Chairperson; Vera M.
Andryczyk, President; Huntingdon Valley, Pennsylvania; The Bleyzer
Foundation, Michael and Natasha Bleyzer and the Bleyzer Family,
Houston, Texas and Kyiv, Ukraine; Ukrainian Orthodox Church of
the USA, Archbishop Antony, South Bound Brook, New Jersey;
David Holpert, W J Grain, Kyiv; David and Tamara Sweere,
Kiev-Atlantic, Kyiv; Eugenia Dallas; Helen and Alex Woskob;
and the Bahriany Foundation, Anatol Lysyj, Chairman.

The International Ukrainian Genocide-Holodomor Committee
plans to work with Ukrainian Communities in Australia, Great
Britain, Canada and the United States to have additional
cities around the world light 33,000 candles on this special day
of remembrance in the future.

The Committee is also working to prepare an traveling exhibition that
would be presented in major Ukrainian cities and around the world
between 2006 and 2008 when the 75th anniversary of the Holodomor
will occur. The Committee also is working with several organizations
to publish a Holodomor Exhibition Catalog that will tell the story of
the Holodomor through paintings, posters, graphics and other artwork
by Ukrainian artists. -30-
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2. PRESIDENT OPENS EXHIBITION TO HONOR FAMINE VICTIMS

Press office of President Victor Yushchenko of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

KYIV – Victor Yushchenko took part in a ceremony to open an exhibition
dedicated to genocide famines and political repressions in Ukraine.

Opening the exhibition, The Swaying Bells of Memory, the Head of State
stressed that these genocide famines were Ukraine’s greatest national
tragedy, killing more people than during World War II. He noted that there
were still many mysteries and unknown facts about those events that should
be meticulously studied.

Yushchenko emphasized that the whole world should remember this tragedy to
never let it happen again. He said we should construct a monument that would
be adequate to the unprecedented scale of this disaster. The President is
convinced it is necessary to conduct a contest to choose the best design of
this monument, and believes we should also establish a national institute of
memory.

“I would like to address the Culture Minister, cabinet members and
parliamentarians: we must pay our tribute to all victims of this tragedy,”
he said. “This is the challenge our generation is faced with.”

Yushchenko gratefully recollected all people who had begun to openly speak
about the genocide famine many years ago. He particularly thanked Vasyl
Barka, writer who first used this word combination in his book The Yellow
Knight, and the poet Borys Oliynyk.

He also reiterated that parliaments of the United States, Australia, Canada,
Hungary, Argentina, Lithuania and Ukraine had acknowledged those famines
as genocide against the Ukrainian people.

The Head of State urged the world community to acknowledge it. “I would like
to ask Ukraine’s political and public organizations to more actively work in
this field. We should receive the world acknowledgement of this tragedy. The
world must know about it,” he said.

Yushchenko added that we should make a documentary to “detail this tragic
page of our history.”

In 2003, he said, the UN also acknowledged our famine as genocide in its
declaration, which was signed by 63 countries. The Head of State said he
wanted our diplomats to more actively work with UN members to raise their
awareness of the tragedy.

The President also thanked the Vasyl Stus Memorial Association for their
initiative to construct a memorial complex and a museum commemorating all
victims of those events.

Yushchenko stressed that on November 26 he wanted “the Ukrainian nation to
spare no effort to make this day relevant to this profound tragedy,” and
said those events had affected all regions of Ukraine. The President called
on each citizen to honor the millions of famine victims.

Speaking about tomorrow’s plans, he reminded all they would plant a snowball
garden. “I want all of you to join us and I would like to see more kids,
young people and students there,” he stressed.

Yushchenko noted that it would be sad if only cabinet members and
politicians took part in this ceremony. He also asked all Ukrainian drivers
to stop their cars tomorrow at 4 PM to silently honor the victims and then
urged Ukrainians to light candles at this time.

The President thanked coordinators of the exhibition, which he visited along
with First Deputy Secretariat Chief of Staff Ivan Vasyunyk, Humanitarian
Vice Prime Minister Vyacheslav Kyrylenko, Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk,
and Culture Minister Ihor Likhovy.

Visitors can see photos, documents and books dedicated to the famines and
political repressions. The opening ceremony was accompanied with symphonic
music and choir singing. -30-

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3. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO CALLS ON WORLD
TO RECOGNIZE SOVIET-ERA FAMINE AS GENOCIDE

Associated Press (AP), Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

KYIV, Ukraine – President Viktor Yushchenko called on the international
community Friday to recognize as genocide the forced Soviet-era famine
that killed up to 10 million Ukrainians.

Soviet dictator Josef Stalin provoked the 1932-1933 famine as part of his
campaign to force Ukrainian peasants to give up their land and join
collective farms. During the height of the famine, cases of cannibalism
were widespread as people grew desperate to survive.

“The world must know about this tragedy,” said Yushchenko at the
opening of an exhibition dedicated to the famine victims on the eve of its
anniversary. He said the millions of victims should “become a lesson for
our nation as well as for the whole world.”

Yushchenko demanded that Ukrainian diplomats strengthen their efforts
to receive recognition from all countries. Already, some countries such
as Canada, the United States, Austria, Hungary and Lithuania have
recognized the famine as genocide.

Ukraine plans to mark the anniversary Saturday by lighting 33,000
candles – representing the number of people who died every day at the
famine’s height.

The former Soviet republic also plans to plant an alley of trees and hold a
downtown march in the capital, Kyiv. The National Broadcasting Council
asked television and radio stations to not air any entertainment programs
on Saturday. -30-

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4. ‘PEOPLE WERE EATING PEOPLE’
Survivors recall 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine with horror and tears

By Nick Martin, The Winnipeg Free Press
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, Monday, November 21, 2005

WINNIPEG – VALENTYNA Strazewski quietly sobbed yesterday as she
remembered her starving mother’s refusal to eat the sweet-smelling oil for
which she’d traded family heirlooms — her mother believed she had been
tricked and the oil was really human fat. Strazewski was seven years old.

“People were eating people” during the famine which Ukrainians believe
Soviet leader Josef Stalin deliberately unleashed on the people of Ukraine
in 1932 and 1933 in a planned genocide, Strazewski said.

When her grandfather died, the family left him at the gate of the
churchyard, never knowing what became of him, she said, covering her
eyes with a handkerchief.

Families gather at St. Mary the Protectress Cathedral on Burrows Avenue
every year to remember the seven million victims of that famine, which they
believe was a deliberate attempt to destroy Ukrainian peasantry.

There are about 35 famine survivors in Winnipeg, most preteens at the time,
now in their 80s, said congregation member Val Noseworthy.

The church is campaigning to have the Ukrainian famine included in the
human rights museum now being planned at The Forks.

“I was seven years old,” Strazewski said. “My mother died of starvation.”

Before she got sick, her mother had hacked away the ice from a nearby river
and found a few mussels. She also sold jewels for small amounts of grain.
Once, her barter included the suspicious oil. When spring came, the family
ate grass boiled like spinach.

“In 1932, they confiscate everything,” Strazewski said. “They threw us out
from where we were living.

The system, they were making collective farms. “The young communists
came and confiscated everything and left us with nothing. They took the
beans we have, they took the beets.”

Her father was forced to work in a locomotive factory, and only came
home once or twice a week with a portion of his rations. “He was afraid
someone would kill him and eat him” if he left the factory too often, said
Strazewski.

Her grandmother starved to death right in front of her, she recalled with
tears.

Halina Matwijiw said she was only able to survive because her father worked
in a city cafeteria open to people not targeted for famine. “We have seven
children in family. My mama was sick — 1933, she died.”

Her father’s sister “came from the village and said, half of the village is
dead because no food. She told us, no cats, no dogs in village, everything
eaten. People started eating grass.”

Matwijiw would reach the cafeteria through the huge train station. “Inside
the station, on benches, lay down people. I saw hands and legs so small they
couldn’t even move. People can’t work, so small are their hands,” she said.

“We want it to never happen to anyone else,” Noseworthy said.

“For the 70th anniversary, we thought it would be important to record their
living testament,” Noseworthy said. “Until that point, they wouldn’t talk to
anyone. They were afraid of reprisals” against family still in Ukraine.

“We have video footage, where they’ve been interviewed.” -30-
(nick.martin@freepress.mb.ca)

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5. LITHUANIAN SEJM RECOGNIZES FAMINE OF 1932-1933
IN UKRAINE AS GENOCIDE

Interfax-Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

KYIV – The Lithuanian Sejm or parliament has recognized the famine of
1932-1933 in Ukraine as an act of genocide, the Liberty Radio reported
on Friday.

Soviet leader Josef Stalin’s totalitarian communist regime committed a
deliberate act of genocide against the Ukrainian people, the Sejm declared.
The parliament expressed sympathy with Ukrainians and solidarity with
Ukrainian people.

Stalin unleashed famine on Ukraine, the lower Volga and northern
Caucuses in 1932 to break the will of peasant farmers and force through
the collectivization of farms.

By raising Soviet central government grain procurement quotas, he left
farmers without grain stocks for themselves, while ordering the execution or
deportation of those who attempted to retain any grain, even seed grain, for
themselves.

The resulting famine cost the lives of between six and seven million
Ukrainians, according to some estimates. -30-
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6. UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN RUSSIA TO MARK DAY OF
MEMORY OF FAMINE AND POLITICAL REPRESSION VICTIMS
ON NOVEMBER 26

Tatyana Gordiyenko, Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Fri, Nov 25, 2005

MOSCOW, RUSSIA – On the day of memory of famine and political
repression victims, which is marked since 1998, representatives of the
Ukrainian Diaspora of Russia will meet in Moscow and in regions on
November 26.

The Ukrainians who reside beyond Ukraine will commemorate the victims
with lighting candles in Russian temples. The commemoration events will
include documentary video presentation, monography presentation and
other events.

Day of memory of famine and political repression victims is annually
marked on November’s fourth Saturday.
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7. DAY OF FAMINE VICTIMS MARKED IN BELARUS

Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 25, 2005

MINSK, BELARUS – Under the presidential decree the Ukrainian
Embassy in Belarus are holding a series of events on the occasion
of Day of memory of famine and political repression victims in
Ukraine.

To this end the Ukrainian Embassy in Belarus has disseminated a
press release “Genocide – Termless Crime”. The diplomats held
meetings with different public figures.

On November 26 public prayers will be held with participation of the
Ukrainian Diaspora representatives and diplomats, other mourning
events will be staged, too. -30-
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8. UKRAINIAN AUSTRALIANS CALL FOR CITIZENS TO LIGHT A
CANDLE ON SUN, NOV 27 TO COMMEMORATE THE MILLIONS
WHO PERISHED IN THE GREAT UKRAINIAN FAMINE
(HOLODOMOR), AN ACT OF GENOCIDE IN 1932-1933.

Australian Federation of Ukrainian Organizations
Representing 24 Peak Ukrainian Organizations in Australia
Member of Ukrainian World Congress
Australia, Saturday, November 26, 2005

Australia – ALENTYNA Strazewski quietly sobbed as she remembered
her starving mother’s refusal to eat the sweet-smelling oil for which she’d
traded family heirlooms — her mother believed she had been tricked and
the oil was really human fat. Strazewski was seven years old.

“People were eating people” during the famine which Ukrainians believe
Soviet leader Josef Stalin deliberately unleashed on the people of Ukraine
in 1932 and 1933 in a planned genocide, Strazewski said The Winnipeg
Free Press, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, Monday, November 21, 2005

Like Strazewski, there are survivors living in Australia with similar
horrific memories.

Australians are encouraged to light a candle tomorrow Sunday November 27,
2005 to commemorate the many millions of people who perished in the Great
Ukrainian Famine (Holodomor) in 1932/33.

The victims will be remembered in memorial services throughout the world as
Ukrainians commemorate this atrocity against the Ukrainian nation. Ukrainian
churches throughout Australia will hold requiem services and candle lighting
ceremonies.

In Melbourne services will be held at the Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral
Canning St North Melbourne (10.30am) and Ukrainian Orthodox Church
Buckley St Essendon (11.00am) and the candle lighting vigil at 1.30pm at the
Ukrainian Community Centre in Russell St. Essendon.

“This act of Genocide must never be forgotten.” Mr. Stefan Romaniw OAM
Chairman of the Australian Federation of Ukrainian Organizations (AFUO)
said today

“To this day the international courts have not investigated nor tried one of
the greatest atrocities against mankind.” Mr. Romaniw said. “Children,
women and men perished from a planned program of killing off a nation.”
Mr. Romaniw said.

The AFUO as part of an international campaign and the International
Ukrainian Genocide-Holodomor Committee has called on President
Victor Yushchenko to pursue this matter through international channels.

“This is not just another issue for Ukrainians. This is an international
issue .Stalin and his Communist regime set out to eradicate a nation – and
no one seems to really care and want to ask the hard questions “Mr.
Romaniw said

“Who will stand up for those who were forcibly starved to death? Who
will speak for them?” These issues must be pursued to ensure they are
never allowed to happen again” Mr. Romaniw said

In Ukraine, President Yuschenko is examining proposals for the building of
a national memorial centre, including international study centre and museum.
The AFUO is part of an international group pressing for this to be realized.

Light a candle, recall this terrible part of history and act against mankind
and pray that it is never repeated. -30-
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For further information contact: Stefan Romaniw 0419531255;
sromaniw@bigpond.net.au.

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9. RELEASE OF SOVIET-ERA DOCUMENTARY COLLECTION ON
UKRAINIAN HOLODOMOR, FAMINE-GENOCIDE OF 1932-1933

Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association
Calgary, Alberta, Canada, Monday, November 21, 2005

CALGARY, Canada – To mark Ukraine’s annual day of remembrance for
the many millions of victims of the genocidal Great Famine in Soviet
Ukraine, known as the Holodomor, which this year falls on 26 November,
the Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association has published The famine-
genocide of 1932-1933 in Ukraine (Kashtan Press, 2005, 336 pp, ISBN#
1-896354-38-6, $35) prepared by a Kyiv historian, Professor Yuri Shapoval.

Consisting of 81 Soviet-era documents, in Russian and Ukrainian, dealing
with the causes and consequences of this famine, the book also contains
English-language annotations of each document, a list of acronyms, and an
introduction in English and Ukrainian by Dr Shapoval.

Funding for this project was made available by the Ukrainian Canadian
Professional and Business Association in Calgary, with the assistance of
UCCLA, the Ukrainian American Civil Liberties Association, the Australian
Federation of Ukrainian Organizations, and the Association of Ukrainians in
Great Britain.

Commenting on the release of this collection, UCCLA’s director of special
projects, Borys Sydoruk, said: ” One of the most important mandates of
UCCLA is to ensure that educational materials about issues in Ukrainian
history are readily available to scholars, the media, and students.

With this publication we are providing primary source material about the
Holodomor to a very large audience by distributing complementary copies
to university and public libraries across Canada and worldwide.

Anyone interested in knowing more about this Soviet crime against humanity
can already find the book in repositories from Washington to Jerusalem to
London to Moscow. We are grateful to those of our partner organizations in
the Diaspora who saw the need for this book which will further focus
attention on what was arguably the greatest episode of mass murder in 20th
century European history.”

While most copies of the book are being distributed to libraries and
research institutes, a limited number are available for sale to the general
public (The Kashtan Press, 22 Gretna Green, Kingston, Ontario, Canada,
K7M 3J2, for $35, which includes postage and handling). For more on
UCCLA go to www.uccla.ca.

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10. NATIONWIDE CANDLE LIGHTING AND BELL RINGING
PROGRAM FOR USA: UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE REMEMBRANCE

Nick Mischenko, President, Ukrainian Genocide Foundation – USA
Chicago, Illinois, Monday, November 21, 2005

To: Reverend Clergy of all Ukrainian Churches in the USA

Dear Pastors,

The Ukrainian Genocide Foundation-USA is coordinating a nationwide
candle lighting and church bell ringing program in the United States in
conjunction with the Ukrainian Genocide Remembrance in Ukraine and
the International Ukrainian Genocide-Holodomor Committee.

We encourage the participation of your parish in this effort to keep the
memory of the victims of the genocide, which took place in 1932-1933 in
Ukraine alive.

In Ukraine, this event is scheduled for Saturday, November 26, 2005 starting
with memorial services and lighting of 33,000 candles at St. Sophia’s square
in Kyiv with a simultaneous ringing of the bells in all churches across
Ukraine. At the height of the Ukrainian Genocide 33,000 people starved to
death each day.

Here in the United States, we ask that your church light 33 symbolic candles
and perform memorial service on Sunday, November 27, 2005. We ask that
you take a few moments to ring your church bells at 12:00 noon local time as
a sign of mourning.

As Ukrainian-Americans we will unite on November 27th and proclaim to the
world that: “We will never forget the over 10,000,000 victims of the
Ukrainian Genocide” -30-
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11. UKRAINE’S REP TO UNITED NATIONS SPEAKS AT HOLODOMOR
1932-1933 MEMORIAL SERVICE AT ST. PATRICK’S CATHEDRAL
Reads statement from Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko

STATEMENT: by H.E. Valeriy Kuchinsky, Ambassador,
Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the United Nations
St. Patrick’s Cathedral
New York, New York, November 19, 2005

Your eminencies,
Reverend fathers,
Ladies and gentlemen,

It is a great honour and a privilege for me to address this distinguished
audience.

It has become a valuable tradition that every November the St. Patrick’s
Cathedral welcomes those who feel deep sorrow for the tragedy of Holodomor,
generations have come and gone, but the horrors of 1932-1933 remain in the
hearts of the survivors and their descendants.

The whole truth about Holodomor is not yet fully known to the world. We
strongly believe that the international community must give that crime its
proper name – genocide, which was planned and executed to destroy Ukrainian
people.

The Ukrainian authorities take every opportunity to remind the international
community of Holodomor.

Addressing the 2005 World Summit in September here in New York, the
President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko told the leaders of over 150
countries: and I quote “I am appealing to you on behalf of the nation that
has lost ten million of human lives because of the famine – genocide
arranged against our nation. At that time the governments of all counties
turned their back to our grief. We insist that the world should come to know
the truth about all the crimes against humanity. That is how we can be sure
that the indifference will never encourage the criminals.” end of quote.

In his address to the 60th session of the UN General Assembly a few of days
later the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Borys Tarasyuk once again
drew attention to the tragedy of our nation.

Seizing the opportunity of the Holocaust remembrance at the UN General
Assembly earlier this month, I underlined in my statement that Holodomor as
well as the Holocaust continues to belong to those national tragedies, which
still await wider international recognition, I called on the representatives
of States to recognize this crime against humanity as an act of genocide
against the Ukrainian nation.

Two years ago a Joint Statement on the 70th anniversary of Holodomor,
supported by over 60 delegations – one third of UN membership – was issued
as an official document of the General Assembly.

In this declaration, for the first time in the history of the United
Nations, Holodomor has been officially recognized as the national tragedy of
Ukrainian people caused by the cruel actions and policies of the
totalitarian regime. Representatives from different parts of the world
expressed their sympathy to the victims of Holodomor and deplored the acts
and policies that brought about mass starvation and death of millions of
people.

The House of Representatives of the U.S. Congress has adopted a resolution
that allows Ukrainian officials to establish a memorial in Washington to
honor the victims of the Ukrainian famine-genocide of 1932-1933.

Ukraine will continue to do its utmost to bring the truth about Holodomor to
the world at large.

And now, ladies and gentlemen, let me read out the message from the
President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko on the occasion of the holding of
today’s Memorial Service.

THE PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE

To the participants of the ceremony
to honor the victims of Holodomor, 1932-33
New York, 19 November, 2005

I am wholeheartedly grateful to the participants of the ceremony to honor
the victims of Holodomor of 1932-33 for their concern and sympathy that
unite us in this time of sorrow.

Today we are bowing our heads before the deep tragedy of a loss of loved
ones, remembering both the tyranny of the totalitarian system and the
historic lie of concealing the crimes against humankind and humanity.

The Ukrainian people survived this ordeal by the too high price of millions
of lives.

I would like to express my special words of gratitude to the American
nation, which was the first to recognize the terrible consequences of
Holodomor of 1932-33. I hope that this tragedy of a European scale will be
recognized also by the whole international community. Truth and remembrance
are needed to make sure that the horrors of the past will not be repeated in
the future.

In Ukraine, honoring the fallen and supporting those affected by Holodomors,
as well as study of hidden for decades pages of the Ukrainian history, are
matters of high priority for the state policy. We are in the process of
establishing the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance, building new
memorials and restoring burial sites.

Soon, there will be a Guelder rose park on the hilly banks of Dnipro – river
to pay tribute to every village that had suffered the effects of Holodomor.

I believe that the words of common prayer in memory of the victims of
Holodomor that will resound in many places around the world will bring peace
and solace to the souls of the innocently perished will unite us in the
common strive to build a just world with its highest value of a human life.

Victor Yushchenko -30-
——————————————————————————-
220 East 51 Street New York, N.Y. 10022
Tel: (212) 759 70 03 · Fax: (212) 355 94 55 ·
E-mail: uno_us@mfa.gov.ua · http://www.un.int/ukraine

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========================================================
12. PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: MESSAGE IN COMMEMORATION
OF THE 72ND ANNIVERSARY OF THE UKRAINIAN FAMINE

The White House
Washington, D.C., Saturday, November 19, 2005

I send greetings to those gathered to commemorate the 72nd anniversary
of the Ukrainian Famine. I join my fellow Americans in expressing deepest
condolences on this solemn occasion.

Millions in Ukraine were oppressed by Joseph Stalin’s totalitarian regime
and suffered through devastating famine from 1932 to 1933. They showed
great courage and strength throughout this atrocity, and the world will
always remember those who gave their lives to resist evil. We must strive
to prevent similar acts of cruelty from ever happening again.

The desire for justice, freedom, human rights, and accountable,
representative government is universal. Since Ukraine’s independence in
1991, the Ukrainian people have demonstrated a firm commitment to
freedom for all people, and last year’s Orange Revolution was a powerful
example of democracy in action.

In President Viktor Yushchenko, the Ukrainian people have a courageous
leader, and America is proud to call Ukraine a friend.

Laura and I send our best wishes on this solemn occasion.

George W. Bush -30-

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13. UKRAINE DEMANDS ‘GENOCIDE’ MARKED
A quarter of Ukraine’s population was wiped out in just two years

BBC NEWS, UK, Friday, November 25, 2005

KIEV – Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko has called on the
international community to recognise the 1930s Great Famine as Soviet-
enforced genocide.

“The world must know about this tragedy,” he said, at the opening of an
exhibition dedicated to famine victims.

Millions of Ukrainians starved to death in 1932-33 as USSR leader Joseph
Stalin stripped them of their produce in a forced farm collectivisation
campaign.

A small number of nations have already recognised the famine as genocide.

Ukraine has designated 26 November as an official day of remembrance for
victims of “Holodomor” – meaning murder by hunger – and other political
crackdowns.

There are plans to mark the anniversary this Saturday by lighting 33,000
candles – representing the number of people thought to have been dying
every day at the height of the famine.

The true scale of the disaster was concealed by the Soviet Union, and only
came to light after Ukrainian independence in 1991. Cannibalism is reported
to have become rife as a whole nation starved.

The tragedy should “become a lesson for our nation as well as for the
whole world”, Mr Yushchenko said on Friday.

In 2003, marking the 70th anniversary of the famine, UN Under Secretary
General for Communications and Publication Shashi Tharoor said it “ranks
with the worst atrocities of our time”.

Nevertheless, a UN declaration – while recognising the famine as Ukraine’s
national tragedy – did not include the word “genocide” – to the great dismay
of Ukraine which lobbied hard for the inclusion of the term.

RUSSIA OPPOSED

Roman Serbyn, professor of history and a Ukrainian expert at the University
of Quebec in Montreal, says: “Ukraine did not make a technically clear
case.”

He believes the “genocide” designation has proved elusive because the famine
is often considered to have been aimed at a social group (peasants) rather
than a national or ethnic group.

However, a strong case can be put showing that by closing the borders so
Ukrainians could not escape to Russia, Stalin was targeting Ukrainian
nationals, he says.

Russia opposes designation as genocide, he says, and “the biggest reason is
national pride. But also the political and economic consequences… if you
recognise a crime you might have to pay compensation”.

In 2003 Russia’s ambassador to Ukraine, Viktor Chernomyrdin, was quoted by
Interfax news agency dismissing talk of an apology or compensation, saying:
“We’re not going to apologise… there is nobody to apologise to.”
————————————————————————————————–
LINK: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4471256.stm
————————————————————————————————
FOOTNOTES FROM BBC: GREAT FAMINE
Called Holodomor in Ukrainian – meaning murder by hunger
About a quarter of Ukraine’s population wiped out
Seven to 10 million people thought to have died
Children disappeared; cannibalism became widespread

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14. ‘THE FIGHT TO STAY ALIVE’- UKRAINIAN HOLODOMOR
EXHIBITION OPENED IN KYIV, UKRAINE
What Ukrainians were forced to eat to defy death by hunger

By E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 26, 2005

KYIV – On Friday, November 25, the President of Ukraine opened an
exhibition at the Ukrainian House in Kyiv about the Ukrainian Genocide –
the Holodomor- Famine-Terror Death for Millions, of 1932-1933 imposed
on the Ukrainian nation by the Soviet government of Josef Stalin.

Part of the largest Holodomor exhibition ever held in Ukraine featured a
series of 65 graphics, linocuts, by Mykola Mykhaylovych Bondarenko,
Ukrainian graphic artist from the village of Dmytrivka in the Sumy Oblast.

The President of Ukraine, Victor Yushchenko, was shown this
Exhibition personally by Ukrainian artist Myhkola Bondarenko.

The artworks answer the question as to what people, when their entire
normal supply of food was stolen away by the Soviets were forced to
eat in their frantic attempt to defy death by hunger. This will be the
first exhibition of these artworks in Ukraine. Mr. Bondarenko, born in
1949, will be present at the Holodomor Exhibition.

Oleksander Kapitonenko, Simferopol, in a preface to a book about
the Bondarenko graphics, published by the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
of the USA wrote: “From early childhood, Mykola Mykhaylovych
(Bondarenko) loved to listed to the old people reminiscing about village
life in the olden days.

Having learned about the famine, he attempted to reproduce it graphically,
but was not satisfied with the few sketches he made. The artist wished to
tell about this tragedy in his own, different way.

He considered the fact, that although entire families and entire villages
were annihilated by the famine, some individuals managed to survive.
What was it that helped them defy death by hunger?

He went around [for five years from 1988-1993] questioning the old-
timers [famine survivors in his district] who told him about their
unbelievable “menu”.

Thus he found the answer to his question; he decided to portray not
the emaciated [dying] peasants, but rather the “food” which they were
forced to ingest in order to [attempt] to survive.

At first he tried to paint several of the more common weeds which
were consumed by the starving people, raw or prepared. Then he
turned to producing a series of graphical depictions of other
vegetation.

His sketchbooks contain drawings from nature of coughgrass, clover,
hemp, sweet-flag, burdock, rush (cane), nettle, thistles, lime tree and
acacia buds, from which engravings have been made.

Almost each engraving depicts a window, the cross-like frame of which
symbolizes the heavy cross, carried by those condemned to death.
Every windowpane symbolized the hope to survive the famine.

On such a background are depicted weeds and some other plants
consumed by the starving people during those horrible times. On
the right windowpane is the “recipe” for preparing this ersatz food.

Several of the engravings show the self-made tools, which helped
the peasants to chop, grind, sieve, squeeze, and other prepare the
weeds [most of them not really digestible in natural form]. To own
such tools meant risking one’s life.

The most touching and alarming for the viewer are the depictions
of domestic animals – a cat, or a dog, fleeing to who knows where,
so that they would not be caught and eaten; carcasses of dead cows
or horses, which the starved populace did not hesitate to eat, and the
panicked eyes of fledgling birds in a nest, which is about to be robbed
by the hand of a starving person.

Noticeable is these engravings is the absense of any accusations of
those who wrote the scenario of the famine, and of those who only
too eagerly helped in this criminal action.

Only the sickles and hammers on the iron rods with which the
village activists [many sent to Ukraine by Stalin for this purpose]
probed everywhere in, looking for hidden food of the peasants,
point to the cause of the famine. [There are also two very small
red stars near the bottom of each side of every graphic which gives
another clue as to the perpetrators of the genocide against the
Ukrainian people.]

And, also, the blood on the knife blade [found in one of the graphics]
reminds the viewer that we are dealing with a horrible crime.” [by
Oleksander Kapitonenko, Simferopol in 2003]

The Exhibition of the artworks by Bondarenko is being sponsored by
the Dr. James Mace Holodomor Memorial Fund of the Ukrainian
Federation of America, Zenia Chernyk, Chairperson; Vera M.
Andryczyk, President; Huntingdon Valley, Pennsylvania; The Bleyzer
Foundation, Michael and Natasha Bleyzer and the Bleyzer Family,
Houston, Texas and Kyiv, Ukraine; Ukrainian Orthodox Church of
the USA, Archbishop Antony, South Bound Brook, New Jersey;
David Holpert, W J Grain, Kyiv; David and Tamara Sweere,
Kiev-Atlantic, Kyiv; Eugenia Dallas; Helen and Alex Woskob;
and the Bahriany Foundation, Anatol Lysyj, Chairman.

The Bondarenko Exhibition was arranged by Morgan Williams,
SigmaBleyzer, on behalf of the International Ukrainian Genocide-
Holodomor Committee and designed by Volodymyr and Irina
Veshtak, expert graphic artists, Kyiv, Ukraine.

The exhibition at the Ukrainian House features several hundred
other works about the Holodomor including paintings, posters,
photos, documents, and other graphic material. The Exhibition
will be open through Tuesday, November 30. -30-
—————————————————————————————-
FOOTNOTE: A book showing the Bondarenko artworks, “Ukraine
1933; A Cookbook, Linocuts by Myklola Bondarenko” published by
the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the USA, South Bound Brook,
New Jersey in 2003, in remembrance of the millions of Ukrainians
who perished during the Great Famine of Ukraine in 1932-1933 is
still available. For information about how to purchase the book please
send an e-mail to ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net.
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========================================================
15. PART FOUR: WHY DID STALIN EXTERMINATE THE UKRAINIANS?
Comprehending the Holodomor. The position of soviet historians

By Stanislav Kulchytsky, Ph.D. (History), Part Four
The Day Weekly Digest in English # 37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

PART FOUR:

A CONFLICT WITHIN A GENERATION

I have already mentioned that both right- and left-leaning unscrupulous
politicians tend to politicize the subject of the Holodomor. In doing so,
they aim to please their voters, which is quite natural for politicians. Why
has it become possible to capitalize on the subject of the famine?

Why do our fellow countrymen have differing opinions of the Holodomor?
Finding the answer requires the use of a more or less abstract notion – a
generation.

In the past I used to think that another abstract notion, territory, was
more suitable for such analysis. So much has been said about the division
of Ukraine into eastern and western halves, as well as about the special
mentality of the population in the western oblasts, which came under Russia
in the form of the Soviet Union (or reunited with the Ukrainian SSR, which
is also true) only in 1939-1940.

Now I consider that the decisive role in shaping the difference between the
eastern and western oblasts of present-day sovereign Ukraine was played by
the presence or absence of mass repressions when a particular generation
was forming.

The Kremlin used mass repressions while building the “commune state” in
1918-1938, and during the Stalinist Sovietization of Ukraine’s western
oblasts in 1939-1952. Notably in the latter case, the repressions affected a
different generation. This means that the representatives of Ukraine’s
oldest living generation in the western and eastern oblasts have had
different life experiences, which is why they feel differently about
history.

The residents of the western oblasts hate communism with a passion and
despise the Communist Party and Soviet nomenklatura that carried out
repressions during the “first Soviets,” i.e., from 1939, and during the
“second Soviets,” i.e., from 1944.

Meanwhile, the residents of the eastern oblasts were raised under the Soviet
system. Unlike their parents, they were loyal to the government and were
therefore spared Stalinist repressions. Even though mass repressions in the
USSR continued until Stalin’s death, they became selective, targeting
individual territories (the Baltic republics, the western Ukrainian oblasts)
or nationalities (e.g., the campaign to combat cosmopolitanism, “the
Doctors’ Case”).

Manipulating the enslaved population, Stalin used the human and material
resources of Ukraine’s eastern oblasts to combat the anti-Soviet
underground movement in western Ukraine.

The anticommunism of the population in the western oblasts is manifested
always and in everything. The West and the Ukrainian Diaspora, whose
representatives mostly have Galician roots, proved very responsive to the
tragedy of the Holodomor, even though they were not directly affected by it.
The well-organized North American Diaspora made a decisive contribution
to exposing the Kremlin’s most horrible crime.

For the anticommunist-minded representatives of the older generation in the
western oblasts, the 1932-1933 famine was a priori a crime committed by
the Kremlin. They needed no documents and accepted the testimonies of
Holodomor witnesses as true. It turned out that they were right to do so.

On the contrary, this generation’s representatives in the east have embarked
(at least one would hope so) on a long and painful road of de-Stalinization,
consciously giving up the stereotypes of thinking and behavior, which the
Soviet system had inculcated in them since childhood.

World War II veterans and Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) veterans find it
very hard to come to terms not because they fought on opposing sides. Other
wartime enemies in Europe have long since made peace. Our veterans have
had different life experiences, and it is hard for them to give up the
beliefs of their youth.

Perhaps the real picture of the Holodomor will facilitate this painful
reassessment of values. I must admit that the realization that you have
become what you are as a result of government manipulations is an unpleasant
thing. Yet it is much more unpleasant to remain that way until your final
hour. How can one be Stalin’s puppet half a century after his death?

My own reassessment of values took place under the influence of my study of
Holodomor history. In 1981 I published a book entitled Partiia Lenina – Sila
Narodnaia [Lenin’s Party – the People’s Strength], which was designed for
Soviet schoolchildren. I was being honest with them because I believed in
what I was writing. I believed not only because I was raised in this faith.
Built by forceful means, the Leninist “commune state” became harmonious
in its own peculiar way, when there was no longer any need to use force.

Then the eternal values propagated by the Soviet government came to the
fore. Of course, I saw the double standards, but played them down as
imperfections of human nature. I felt the lack of freedom, but justified it
by the need to survive while being “surrounded by capitalists.” Indeed, what
can a bird born in a cage tell you about the sky?

After several years of exploring the Holodomor, I realized that the Soviet
government was capable of exterminating people – millions of people. What
could one’s attitude be to such a government and its ideals after realizing
what the Holodomor really was?

In 1991 two younger colleagues and I published the book Stalinism in
Ukraine. The title itself is proof that I was clinging to the term
“Stalinism,” which is still popular in the West, and did so in an attempt to
save the idea of social equality by blaming everything on Stalin.

Later I realized that the millions of lost lives were the result of the
implementation of Lenin’s idea of the “commune state”. If personalized, the
communist idea should be called Leninism. In its party dimension it should
be called Bolshevism.

Tsina Velykoho Perelomu [The Price of the Great Turning Point] is the title
of my second book that was published in 1991. The title is derived from
Nikita Khrushchev’s thoughts on the cost of collectivization in the lives of
Soviet citizens. At the time these thoughts astonished me because they came
from a CPSU leader.

The book’s 432 pages contain hundreds of documents that paint a vivid
picture of the Holodomor. Did this book influence the people of my
generation, who need to reassess their values?

I doubt it. The state plays a key role in society’s comprehension of the
real nature of the Holodomor. Through its specialized agencies the state
must bring to citizens’ attention knowledge about the not so distant past,
knowledge accumulated by scholars.

In doing so, the state can prevent interpersonal conflicts stemming from
differing life experiences. The Ukrainian president’s calls for
reconciliation are futile without daily educational efforts by the
government.

After 1987 the Ukrainian Communist Party and Soviet nomenklatura
approached the research and educational work on the subject of the famine
with affected enthusiasm. In September 1990 I was made a member of the
ideological commission of the CC CPU, even though I never held any posts
in the state machinery.

After the Ukrainian parliament proclaimed Ukraine’s independence,
information on the Holodomor was used by the “sovereign communists”
headed by Leonid Kravchuk to convince voters that this [independence]
was the right decision.

James Mace recalled that Oles Yanchuk’s film Holod-33 [Famine ’33] on
which he was a consultant, did not receive a single kopeck in state
funding during the filming, but it was still aired on television before the
Dec. 1, 1991 referendum.

The first presidents of Ukraine mostly went no further than symbolic
gestures (a memorial plaque on Kyiv’s St. Michael’s Square and the Day to
Commemorate Holodomor Victims on the fourth Saturday of November).
Most of the books on the Holodomor have been published with donations
from sponsors, not with government funds.

In a decade and a half the leaders of Ukraine have not shown the will or
desire to republish the three volumes of witness testimonies that speak of
the tragic events in the Ukrainian countryside after 1928, which were
compiled by the Mace commission.

These three volumes contain the voices of the generation born before 1920.
What makes it unique is the fact that representatives of the first
generation of Soviet people are no longer among us.

Whereas government bodies had no pressing desire to become involved in
the subject of the Holodomor, opposition forces took over this function.
We must recognize that they did a great deal of good. At the same time this
subject became politicized. After the Orange Revolution, which removed the
old nomenklatura from power, individual former oppositionists decided that
now they could do as they pleased.

They started with a “small thing” – an attempt to move the Day to
Commemorate the Holodomor Victims, which Leonid Kuchma introduced
in 1998, from fall to springtime, so that it would not conflict with the
anniversary of the Orange Revolution. The moral myopia of such people is
astounding.

DISCUSSIONS WITH RUSSIAN SCHOLARS

The attitude of the Russian public and government to the events of 1932-1933
is another important issue. Even if we substantiate with facts that the
1932-1933 famine in Ukraine was an act of genocide, we will have to face a
different interpretation of our common past at the international level.

Discussions with Russian scholars should be conducted as openly as possible
so that we can prove the validity of our position to both the opposing side
and our own public. This is necessary in view of how Ukrainian citizens
presently understand the Holodomor.

Many our fellow countrymen believe that the causes of the 1932-1933 famine
are unclear. Others think that the famine was caused by droughts and/or
grain procurements. These were precisely the causes of the 1946- 1947
famine, which people still remember.

Most of those who think that the Holodomor was an act of genocide have a
shallow understanding of the political and legal essence of “genocide.” They
are certain that if the government’s actions cause mass deaths among the
population, they are always an act of genocide. The Kazakh tragedy refutes
this supposition.

Communist Party officials’ ignorant attempts to force the Kazakh nomads to
settle down resulted in famine, the scale of which exceeded the Ukrainian
Holodomor if you compare the percentage of the affected population in the
two ethnic groups. However, the Kazakh tragedy was not a result of terror
by famine.

The 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine should be analyzed within the context of
the political and legal substance of the term “genocide.” During a
relatively short period Stalin purposefully exterminated the village
population in two Soviet political- administrative divisions in which
Ukrainians were the dominant population (the Ukrainian SSR and the Kuban
province of the Northern Caucasus Territory of the Russian Soviet Federated
Socialist Republic).

From the very outset I would like to dissociate myself from those of my
colleagues who define the purpose of this act of genocide differently:
Stalin exterminated the Ukrainians! Of course, the end result was just that:
Stalin exterminated the Ukrainians. Yet we will not be able to prove the
validity of a claim about it being an act of genocide if we use this
simplified and purely emotional formulation.

For many years I have been conferring with a small community of scholars in
Russia and the West, who are studying the Ukrainian Holodomor, and I know
their way of thinking. For this reason I have to offer a thought-out and
clear position on the subject of genocide.

I understood the socioeconomic causes of the 1932-1933 famine already in
the early 1990s. Later, at the Department of Interwar History at the
Institute of Ukrainian History we studied the totalitarianism of the
Communist
Party and the Soviets as a holistic political and economic system, which
included a study of the Kremlin’s nationality policy. Now we have arguments
relating to the national component of the Kremlin’s policy.

All of the comments provided here are necessary so that my account of
discussions with Russian scholars on the nature of the 1932-1933 famine in
the Soviet Union will strike the appropriate tone.

These discussions were touched off by the May 1993 informational and
analytical conference organized by the Ukrainian Embassy in Moscow, which
was entitled “The Holodomor of 1932-1933: Tragedy and Warning.” Both
sides were represented by scholars, politicians, and journalists.

We spoke about terror by famine, which the Kremlin used against Ukraine,
while they claimed that the Stalinist repressions had no national component.
Only Sergey Kovalev, a former dissident, who in 1993 chaired the Human
Rights Commission in the Russian parliament, summoned the courage to say
“Forgive us!” while addressing the Ukrainian side.

Then a Moscow newspaper carried an article by the journalist Leonid
Kapeliushny, who wrote it after reading the book by Volodymyr Maniak and
Lidiia Kovalenko, Holod 33: Narodna Knyha-Memorial [Famine ’33. The
People’s Memorial Book]. In the book the journalist saw “eyewitness
testimonies that have legal force, testimonies of genocide witnesses”
(Izvestiia, 1993, July 3).

Kovaliov’s “Forgive us” and Kapeliushny’s conclusion were reinforced by
papers presented at the international scholarly conference “The Holodomor of
1932-1933 in Ukraine: Causes and Consequences,” which took place in Kyiv
on Sept. 9-10, 1993 and was attended by the president of Ukraine. While
President Kravchuk blamed the tragedy of the Ukrainian nation on the
Stalinist government, Ivan Drach, who took the floor after him, placed this
problem in a different dimension.

“It is time to fully understand once and for all that this was only one of
the closest to us – surviving and now living Ukrainians – stages in the
planned eradication of the Ukrainian nation. Intolerance of this nation is
deeply rooted in the descendants of the northern tribes, to whom our people
gave its own faith, culture, civilization, and even its name,” Drach said.

The Russian experts on the problems of collectivization and famine- Ilya
Zelenin, Nikolai Ivnytsky, Viktor Kondrashyn, and Yevgeniy Oskolkov –
wrote a collective letter to the editors of a historical journal of the
Russian
Academy of Sciences, expressing their concern over the fact that most
conference participants insisted on “a certain exceptionality of Ukraine, a
special nature and substance of these events in the republic as opposed to
other republics and regions in the country.”

They claimed that the famine in Ukraine was no different from famines in
other regions, whereas the anti-peasant policy of the Stalinist leadership
had no clearly defined national direction (Otechestvennaia istoriia
[National History], 1994, no. 6, p. 256).

In an attempt to substantiate their position, the Russian colleagues
emphasized the socioeconomic aspects of the 1932-1933 famine, quoting
my paper presented at that conference. Without a doubt, the Kremlin’s
economic policy did not distinguish among the national republican borders,
and in this respect their arguments were flawless.

However, the rejection of the Ukrainian specifics of the famine, led the
Russian colleagues, whether they wanted to or not, to state that the
Kremlin had no nationality policy or repressive element of such a policy.

I heard a similar statement to the effect that “Stalin’s victims have no
nationality” from a different Russian delegation at an international
symposium in Toronto, entitled “The Population of the USSR in the
1920s-1930s in the Light of New Documentary Evidence” (February 1995).
However, Soviet history knows many cases of ethnically motivated
repressions. Is it worthwhile recounting them all?

In recent years the Institute of Ukrainian History has established
cooperation with the Institute of General History of the Russian Academy of
Sciences, and through it with experts at other Russian institutions as part
of the Russian-Ukrainian Commission of Historians (co-chaired by the
Ukrainian academician Valeriy Smoliy and Russian academician Aleksandr
Chubarian).

On March 29, 2004, Moscow hosted the commission’s meeting, attended by
numerous prominent Russian experts on agrarian history. They discussed the
book Holod 1932-1933 rokiv v Ukraini: prychyny ta naslidky [The Famine of
1932-1933 in Ukraine: Causes and Consequences], published in 2003 by the
Institute of Ukrainian History to coincide with the 70th anniversary of the
Holodomor.

Thirty authors collaborated on this large-format volume of 888 pages
supplemented with a 48-page section of illustrations.

Several copies of the book were sent to Moscow long before the
commission’s meeting. Yet it failed to convince the Russian historians.

Soon after that meeting Viktor Danilov and Ilya Zelenin publicized their
views of the problem discussed in an article that appeared in
Otechestvennaia istoriia (no. 5, 2004). The gist of their position is
reflected in the title of their article: “Organized Famine. Dedicated to the
70th Anniversary of the Peasants’ Common Tragedy.”

The journal printed a black band around the authors’ names; our opponents
died soon after the meeting. It is a great loss for Russian historical
scholarship and all of us, since aspiring Russian scholars are not all that
keen to explore these “complex problems.”

New archival documents on Soviet agrarian history are now circulating among
scholars. This has become possible primarily thanks to the tremendous
efforts of Viktor Petrovich Danilov. The new additions to the source base
have significantly reinforced the position of the Ukrainian side in its
attempts to convince the world that the Holodomor was indeed an act of
genocide.

Summing up the results of our meeting on March 29, 2004, Danilov and
Zelenin came to the following conclusion: “If one is to characterize the
Holodomor of 1932-1933 as ‘a purposeful genocide of Ukrainian peasants,’
as individual historians from Ukraine insist, then we must bear in mind that
it was in equal measure a genocide of Russian peasants.” The Ukrainian side
can accept such a conclusion.

After all, we are not saying that only Ukrainians were Stalin’s victims.
Moreover, because of the specifics of “socialist construction” and the
nature of the political system, between 1918 and 1938 the hardest hit
(percentage of the total) by repressions were the immediate perpetrators of
Stalin’s crimes – Chekist secret police agents, followed by state party
members, especially the Communist Party and the Soviet nomenklatura,
followed by citizens of the national republics, and finally Russians.

How can one explain the Russian scholars’ restraint when it comes to the
question of genocide? It may perhaps be explained by the fact that the
international community is using the Dec. 9, 1948, Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide more and more actively.
In January 2004 Stockholm hosted the international forum “Preventing
Genocide: Threats and Responsibility,” which was attended by many heads
of state.

The forum focused on the following questions: the political, ideological,
economic, and social roots of violence connected with genocide; mechanisms
for preventing and responding to the threat of genocide at the international
level; the use of diplomatic, humanitarian, economic, and forceful means to
prevent genocide.

In Ukrainian society only marginal right-leaning politicians insist that
present-day Russia is responsible for the Ukrainian Holodomor and demand
moral or even financial compensation. However, the fact that Russia has been
recognized as the legal successor of the USSR does not burden it with
responsibility for the crimes of the Bolsheviks, White Guards, or any other
regimes that controlled Russian territory in the past.

Even the attempts of the Kremlin leadership to associate itself with certain
attributes of the former Soviet Union, as evidenced by the melody of
Russia’s
state anthem, are not reason enough to put forward such claims. After all,
nostalgia for the Soviet past is equally present in Ukrainian and Russian
societies, mainly in the older generations.

Russia is freely publishing documentary collections that reflect the state
crimes of the Stalinist period. In fact, it has become possible to build the
concept of the Ukrainian Holodomor as an act of genocide only on the
basis of documents publicized in Moscow.

At the same time, Russia’s attempts to inherit the achievements of the
Soviet epoch, especially the victory in World War II, are forcing Russian
officials to throw a veil over Stalin’s crimes as much as this can be done
in the new conditions of freedom from dictatorship. This applies
particularly to the crime of genocide, even though the Dec. 9, 1948,
Convention does not place responsibility on the legal successors of
criminal regimes.

Naturally, if Russia wants to inherit the accomplishments of the Soviet
epoch, it must also inherit its negative aspects, i.e., the obligation to
utter Kovalev’s “Forgive us.” The European Parliament hinted at this
“liability” in 2004, when it found the deportation of the Chechens to be an
act of genocide. However, few would like to inherit moral responsibility for
the crimes of previous regimes, unless absolutely necessary.

This is why Russia is a decisive opponent of recognizing the Ukrainian
Holodomor as an act of genocide. In August 2003 Russian Ambassador to
Ukraine Viktor Chernomyrdin said in an interview with BBC’s Ukrainian
Service: “The Holodomor affected the entire Soviet state. There were no
fewer tragedies and no less pain in the Kuban, Ural, and Volga regions, and
Kazakhstan.

Such expropriations did not just happen in Chukotka and the northern regions
because there was nothing to expropriate.” Russia’s official representatives
at the UN did everything possible to have the definition of the Holodomor as
an act of genocide excluded from the Joint Statement of 36 nations on the
70th anniversary of the Ukrainian Holodomor.

It remains for us to convince the Russians that the Ukrainian famine was a
result of not only repressive grain procurements, but also a perfectly
organized campaign to seize all food stocks from peasants. There is a body
of evidence to this effect, and if the voices of Ukrainian scholars are
reinforced by the voices of Western historians, this goal will become
practicable.

POSITION OF WESTERN RESEARCHERS

A closely interconnected network of research institutions specializing in
so-called Sovietology formed in the West during the Cold War. However, no
Sovietologists were interested in what happened in Ukraine in 1932-1933.

After moving to the US, Robert Conquest, an English literary scholar and
contemporary of the Russian revolution, started to work at Columbia
University’s Institute for the Study of the USSR. He is the author of the
first book of non-Ukrainian historiography on the Great Famine in the
USSR, which was published in 1986.

The author of this famous work, The Great Terror, was right to define
Stalin’s policy in Ukraine as a special kind of terror – terror by famine.
Robert Conquest’s book The Harvest of Sorrow was based on literary
sources, most of them collected by James Mace.

The international community found the book sensational. On the contrary,
Sovietologists disapproved of it and accused the author of political bias,
because the book was commissioned by the Ukrainian Diaspora.

In the late 1980s a “revisionist” trend emerged in the ranks of
Sovietologists. Its representatives believed that Cold War historiography
had to be revised because it was ideologically opposed to communism, i.e.,
it went beyond the bounds of scholarly knowledge.

The “revisionists” unleashed a torrent of criticism against the publications
of the US Congressional Commission on the Ukraine Famine. Mace himself
recalled that he was accused of falsifying history. With no prospects for
steady employment in the US, Mace moved to Kyiv and found a job at the
institute, which had been organized by Ivan Kuras on the foundations of the
former Institute of Party History at the CC CPU.

Much like during the Soviet period, in the early post-Soviet years Ukrainian
historical studies did not have an independent international status. In
contrast, Russian historians only had to strengthen their long-standing
ties. The international status of Russian scholarship rose sharply with the
opening of archives from the Stalinist period.

In 1992 Viktor Danilov launched a theoretical seminar entitled “Modern
Concepts of Agrarian Development” at the Interdisciplinary Academic Center
of Social Sciences (Intercenter). During its meeting on June 24, 1997, the
participants discussed the work of Stephen Wheatcroft (Australia) and Robert
Davies (UK) entitled The Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture, 1931-1933. The
journal Otechestvennaia istoriia (no. 6, 1998) devoted dozens of pages to a
report on this seminar. It is hard to describe it in several paragraphs, but
I will try.

In his introduction Wheatcroft condemns the thesis that it was an “organized
famine” and that Stalin purposefully seized grain to cause the peasants to
starve. The report focuses much attention on Ukraine.

It states that the Kremlin did not know anything, and when information about
the famine started to come in, “the Politburo of the Central Committee of
the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) was addressing the increasingly
pressing problem of dispensing additional grain [to the peasants – Auth.].”
Between February and July 1933 the CC AUCP(b) and the Council of People’s
Commissars of the USSR issued 35 resolutions and decrees to dispense food
grain.

That was the report. Interestingly enough, the cited facts were true. The
only thing that is not known is why millions of people died of hunger. Only
one document struck the researchers with its cynicism: a CC CP(b)U
resolution on dividing peasants hospitalized and diagnosed with dystrophy
into ailing and recovering patients. The resolution ordered improving the
nutrition of the latter within the limits of available resources so that
they could be sent out into the fields to sow the new crop as soon as
possible.

Of course, Stalin did not use terror by famine for the indiscriminate
extermination of all peasants for whatever reason. Those lucky enough to
survive were sent to perform agricultural labor and received food in the
fields while they worked. They received food dispensed according to special
resolutions from supreme government bodies. This was meant to show how
much the government cared about keeping its citizens alive. In this way the
peasants learned to work as part of state- owned collective farms.

Based on the authors’ estimates, Roberta Manning of Harvard University
pointed out that before the 1933 harvest government stockpiles contained
between 1.4 and 2 million tons of grain. This was enough to prevent mass
hunger. “What forced the Soviet government to seize and export such a large
percentage of a very low harvest and stockpile more grain than it did during
the previous grain crises? These questions demand answers,” she said in a
polite rebuttal of the basic points of the report.

On the contrary, Lynn Viola of the University of Toronto supported the view
of the 1932-1933 tragedy as outlined in the report primarily because it was
“revisionist,” i.e., it differed from previous opinions about the famine
organized by the government or even an act of genocide committed by the
Stalinist leadership.

Yu. Moshkov agreed that peasants received food relief in the first half of
1933, but added to this obvious fact that “in my view, it is impossible to
deny Stalin’s clear intent in the fall of 1932 to punish disobedient
peasants who refused to surrender everything including grain.”

M. Viltsan used the points in the report to launch an attack against the
authors of the “concept of manmade famine” Nikolai Ivnytsky, Viktor
Kondrashyn, and Yevgeniy Oskolkov. Armed with facts, these three
repelled the attack.

This was the gist of the theoretical seminar at the Intercenter, with praise
for “revisionists” and attacks against Russian scholars who called the
famine of 1932-1933 “manmade” in the face of irrefutable facts. It is not
surprising that they did not dare go one step further and call the Ukrainian
famine an act of genocide.

This seminar reflected the way the Holodomor was comprehended in the West
in the late 1990s. The situation has improved significantly. It appears that
the turning point came during the international conference organized by the
Institute for Historical and Religious Studies in Vicenza, Italy, in October
2003. I will not dwell on its work, because James Mace wrote about it in one
of The Day’s October 2003 issues.

Its result was a resolution supported by scholars from Italy, Germany,
Poland, Ukraine, the US, and Canada (Ivnytsky and Kondrashyn abstained),
urging the prime minister of Italy, Silvio Berlusconi, who was then holding
the EU’s rotating presidency, and European Commission chairman Romano
Prodi to apply efforts to have the Ukrainian famine 1932-1933 recognized
internationally as an act of genocide.

The Vicenza conference had a sequel. On Sept. 5, 2005, Kyiv-Mohyla
Academy launched a book entitled Death of the Land. The Holodomor in
Ukraine of 1932-1933. This event was attended by Italy’s Ambassador to
Ukraine Fabio Fabbri and the director of the Italian Institute in Ukraine,
Nicola Balloni.

The book is based on the materials presented at the Vicenza conference.
Nadia Tysiachna’s article (Sept. 13, 2005) on this presentation bore the
same title that James Mace used for the newspaper column that he sent from
Vicenza: “Intellectual Europe on the Ukrainian Genocide.”

University of Koln professor Gerhard Simon, who participated in the Vicenza
conference, organized a discussion panel entitled “Was the 1932-1933 Famine
in Ukraine an Act of Genocide?” at the 7th International Congress of
Historians in Berlin, held in July 2005. This question touched off a heated
debate. I am grateful to Dr. Simon for sacrificing the presentation of his
own report to give me additional time to substantiate my position.

I am also grateful to him for his assistance in having my article translated
into German and published in the reputable magazine Ost Europa. The
entire staff of the Institute of Ukrainian History is thankful to this
authoritative expert on the history of Central and Eastern Europe for his
interest in the problem of the Holodomor and his article published in
Ukrainskyi istorychnyi Zhurnal [Ukrainian Historical Journal], which is a
fresh contribution to the German historiography on this problem.

PEERING INTO THE ABYSS

It is obvious that comprehending the Holodomor is no simple task for
Ukrainian and foreign scholars, Ukrainian society, and the international
community. Do we know everything that happened in our Ukraine seven or
eight decades ago? Have we broken free of the stereotypes that were
inculcated into the consciousness of several generations?

Sometimes in the face of new or reconsidered facts one has to give up one’s
established views of certain aspects of the past. This is a normal thing for
a professional historian. This is the meaning of scholarly quest. At the
start of Gorbachev’s de-Stalinization one impulsive woman could no longer
endure it and screamed out loud for all of the Soviet Union to hear: “I
cannot give up my principles!” She could not find the courage to peer into
the abyss and see how much Leninist ideology differs from Leninist and
Stalinist practice.

We have to squeeze the hypocrisy of the Soviet period out of ourselves one
drop at a time. The sooner our society liberates itself from the stereotypes
of the previous epoch, the easier its life will be. The truth about the
Holodomor can become a powerful lever in this process.

What is this truth? In the coming issues I will propose my version of the
1932-1933 events in Ukraine. Readers who have read this historiographic
introduction in the form of these four articles should make their own
judgments based on the facts currently in possession of historians.

The upcoming articles will address the essence of the communist “revolution
from the top,” the Kremlin’s nationality policy, mechanisms of genocide, and
other subjects that together can provide the answer to the question of why
Stalin exterminated the Ukrainians. -30- (To be continued)
————————————————————————————————
LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/153028/; Part V to be published soon.
——————————————————————————————-
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 606

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

“Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World”

UKRAINIANS COMMEMORATE FIRST ANNIVERSARY
OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION


STANDING ON THE MAIDAN IN 2004 AND 2005

For the thousands of us who were fortunate to have the opportunity
to stand on the Maidan on November 22, 2004 and November 22,
2005 it is clear the people have it right. They are standing in the right
place for the right objectives. The politicians and the government now
need to do more to get it right and what is stopping them from
getting it right needs to be changed, such as the Soviet style
governmental organizational structure still in place.

As one astute Ukrainian official said, “The powers seem unable to
deliver to the people what the people want.” EDITOR

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” – Number 606
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
FROM: KYIV, UKRAINE, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 2005

——–INDEX OF ARTICLES——–
“Major International News Headlines and Articles”

1. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO RALLIES SUPPORTERS
ON ANNIVERSARY OF ORANGE REVOLUTION
Ukraine is on the right track…do not give up hope
UT1 State TV, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 22 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Wednesday, Nov 23, 2005

2. KIEV CITIZENS KEEP FAITH WITH THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
Chris Stephen reports on the turmoil and political
in-fighting which has dominated Ukraine in the past year
Chris Stephen, Irish Times, Ireland, Wed, Nov 23, 2005

3. YUSHCHENKO MARKS FIRST ORANGE ANNIVERSARY
By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times
London, UK, Tuesday, November 22 2005

4. ONE YEAR ON, UKRAINE’S ORANGE REVOLUTION PALES
70 per cent of orange revolution supporters are now disillusioned
By Askold Krshelnycky in Kiev, Independent
London, UK, Wednesday, 23 November 2005

5. SACKED PRIME MINISTER YULIA TYMOSHENKO UPSTAGES
PRESIDENT VICTOR YUSHCHENKO AT MASS UKRAINE RALLY
By Ron Popeski, Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue Nov 22, 2005

6. A CHANGED, BUT DIVIDED UKRAINE MARKS ‘ORANGE
REVOLUTION’ ANNIVERSARY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005

7. YUSHCHENKO URGES UKRAINIANS TO BE PROUD OF
CHANGES, PATIENT WITH REFORMS
AP INTERVIEW: Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko
Mara D. Bellaby, AP Worldstream, Kiev, Ukraine, Tues, Nov 22, 2005

8. ORANGE REVOLUTION PROTESTS BITTERSWEET
Natasha Lisova, AP Online, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue, Nov 22, 2005

9. REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE: ONE YEAR ON.
WILL THE CIS TURN ORANGE?
OPINION & ANALYSIS: By Arseny Oganesyan,
RIA Novosti political commentator
Russian News & Information Agency, RIA Novosti
Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005

10. EUROPEAN UNION PRAISES UKRAINE’S ORANGE ANNIVERSARY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Brussels, Belgium, Tues, November 22 2005

11. FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
George Bush’s Presidential Message
THE WHITE HOUSE, Office of the Press Secretary
Washington, D.C., Tuesday, November 22, 2005

12. UKRAINIANS COMMEMORATE FIRST ANNIVERSARY
OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

13. HOW UKRAINE ‘VERGED ON CIVIL WAR’
By Olexiy Solohubenko, BBC News, Kiev
BBC NEWS, United Kingdom, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

14. THE RING’S LOSS, UKRAINE’S GAIN
Vitali Klitschko, the WBC heavyweight champion of the world
COMMENTARY: By Gordon Marino
Financial Times, London, United Kingdom, Tue, Nov 22, 2005

15. UKRAINIAN ARTIST HNIZDOVSKY: OF MEN AND BEASTS
Lviv residents fulfill Yakiv Hnizdovsky’s last request 20 years later
By Iryna YEHOROVA, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

16. ANNUAL ST. PATRICK’S CATHEDRAL UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
COMMEMORATION ATTRACTS THOUSANDS
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
New York, New York, Monday, November 21, 2005

17. A GIFT FROM AMERICA
Jackson-Vanik amendment repealed by half
By Serhiy SOLODKY, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

18. UKRAINE GRADUATED FROM JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT
The Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS (FJC)
Moscow & New York, Tuesday, November 22 2005
========================================================
1
. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO RALLIES SUPPORTERS
ON ANNIVERSARY OF ORANGE REVOLUTION
Ukraine is on the right track…do not give up hope

UT1 State TV, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 22 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Wednesday, Nov 23, 2005

President Viktor Yushchenko has said that Ukraine is on the right track and
urged supporters not to give up hope for the Orange Revolution he led a year
ago.

In a 55-minute speech to a large crowd gathered on Kiev’s Independence
Square (Maydan) to commemorate the first anniversary of the start of mass
protests, which was broadcast live by most of Ukraine’s main TV channels,
Yushchenko said that the revolution had made people proud to be Ukrainian.

Yushchenko said that “private ambition” was behind the accusations of
corruption that resulted in the breakdown of the orange coalition and the
dismissal of the government of Yuliya Tymoshenko and other top officials in
September.

He closed by urging the team that backed his presidential bid to reunite
ahead of the March 2006 parliamentary election in order to preserve the new
freedoms won by the revolution.

The following is an excerpt from Yushchenko’s speech broadcast by Ukrainian
state-owned television UT1 on 22 November:

Dear Ukrainian community, dear glorious Maydan, dear friends, dear sworn
brothers!

Today I am proud that after 12 months of decent, beautiful and interesting
Ukrainian life we are celebrating the first anniversary of Ukrainian
freedom. It is true that after 14 years, independence has come to the
Ukrainian land. I know that everyone who came to this Maydan is here because
they love Ukraine very much.

Today is possibly not an easy time and we are discussing how we got along
during these 12 months, where we have been disappointed, where we have
victories, whether we are following the right path, whether we missed our
way, and many, many other problems that honest people have. And therefore my
speech, my dears, will be devoted to one point – the faith [words
indistinct], how to come out of every Maydan with the faith that we are
going the right way.

Dear friends… [interrupted by people chanting “Yulya”]

Please, yell out Yulya once again and I will make my speech. I am ready to
hear this… [shouts are heard]

SAYS UKRAINE IS ON THE RIGHT TRACK

The time has come, my dears… my dears, let’s be tactful, the time will
come, but today we have to answer the questions that worry every decent and
honest person who came to this Maydan. We need to sort out honestly what is
going on – without any masks, without any acting, to tell people honestly
what we are living with, what is happening now, and what we are going to do.

I came here with my family and with the children who helped me to come out
and climb onto this stage 12 months ago. They were with me then. Our
grandchildren and my family are also here with me. Each one of us has paid
for what we call freedom. Each one of us. I paid my own price, each one of
us paid his own price.

My mother who died several days after my inauguration also paid her price,
without recovering consciousness because not every healthy person could
endure the fight against the gang that we had a year ago. We were united
then because we knew who we were fighting against.

I have a question. When we came to power, when people went to their offices
from this Maydan, why did they lose the ethics, the political morality that
kept them united here? Despite the fact that these were 20 different
political forces, we spoke about one thing then, we spoke about the ideals
of Maydan.

And, actually, I would like to speak today about the first lessons of the
first anniversary, of the Ukrainian Day of Freedom.

First of all, I want to address those who have given up, those whose heads
are bowed. My friends, as president of this country, I assert that we are
going the only possible right track, the road of freedom and fairness for
everyone. Any development, either political, economic or humanitarian is
based on three things: democracy, freedom and the rule of law.

Twelve months ago we were fighting for Ukraine to have these values. Here
millions of people said – it is not salaries that we need, we do not need
additional pensions, but make sure that this country has honest authorities.
In other words, they wanted the right to choose, freedom and the rule of
law, so that no one could torture you anymore.

During the 12 months on this road, I say that we have not lost our way. We
are still going this way. But let’s appreciate the challenge, dear
community. It is obvious that it takes more than one month to create
democracy, truth and freedom, human rights. Let’s not cover Ukraine’s head
with ashes just because after 12 months someone is disappointed. Do not be
hasty, especially when it concerns consumption. I am convinced that my
nation and my people have had 12 brilliant months.

[Passage omitted: praises the bravery of journalists, students, police and
TV channels a year ago; quotes poet Taras Shevchenko.]
Says revolution has made people proud to be Ukrainian

The 17 days of the Maydan gave birth to a new face of Ukraine. The world saw
a new country, a modern nation that can form the new face of Europe.

Today we feel Ukraine inside us in a new way. The absolute majority of
Ukrainians today consider Ukraine their common fatherland. There was a
breakthrough in all the regions, in all the social and language groups,
first of all, among youth and highly educated people.

Ninety per cent of Ukrainians consider Ukraine their only fatherland. Two
years ago, it was only 76 per cent of us. Ninety-four per cent of young
people believe Ukraine is their only fatherland. Two years ago, it was 87
per cent. Five years ago more than half of young Ukrainians would have
preferred to be born abroad.

Today we say loud and clear that we are the Ukrainian nation. We are proud
of being Ukrainians, and this is the biggest achievement of the Maydan. We
think in Ukrainian, we are reviving our roots, clearing our historic memory
of alien myths. This is not an easy process.

We failed to take the final step to find mutual agreement on the Ukrainian
view of the victory over the Nazi, so that the participants of World War II
[Soviet Army veterans] and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) could shake
hands. We have failed. But I believe that this step will be made and I will
do my best to overcome all the old quarrels in the country. [Passage
omitted: recalls famine victims]

GUARANTEES FAIR PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION

It is another achievement of Maydan that each one of us received the freedom
of choice. We have protected the right of every Ukrainian citizen to be able
to choose the authorities on his own.

I guarantee that from its very first day the 2006 parliamentary election
will be fair and transparent. Neither state offices, nor state premises or
state computers, or state cars will work for any political party during the
election to parliament in 2006.

Today on my way to the office I read a slogan at one of the road crossings –
it is time to answer. And there were three portraits: the former prime
minister [Yulia Tymoshenko], mine and the parliament speaker [Volodymyr
Lytvyn]. My friends, indeed I want to answer every question that arises from
a dialogue between the authorities and citizens, between the authorities and
business.

PRAISES ECONOMIC ACHIEVEMENTS

Various things have happened. But we have done many things that no-one has
ever done in this country. I am proud of this. I would like to communicate
some things officially, as an answer to those questions.

I am proud of the fact that in the last nine months 830,000 new jobs have
been created in Ukraine. In 12 months, there will be 1.1m new jobs. This was
what we dreamt of while standing on this square 12 months ago.

I am happy that Ukraine has, even using the official methodology of the
International Labour Organization, unemployment of 7.2 per cent. This is the
lowest level of unemployment in the 14 years of Ukraine’s independence. I am
proud of this, because this is the work of Maydan too.

I want to say that I am proud of the fact that when 12 months ago we dreamt
of cutting the army service to 12 months, we did it. And today our boys who
have higher education serve nine months in the army, and those with
secondary education serve 12 months.

I am proud of the fact that 12 months ago we talked about withdrawing
Ukrainian troops from Iraq. And we will complete the third stage in 20-25
days, to pull the last soldier out of Iraq. We have done what we promised
Maydan.

We said that Kryvorizhstal [steelworks], stolen by the previous regime of
[former Prime Minister Viktor] Yanukovych, would be returned to the state
and privatized honestly in a repeat tender.

We have done that, and we have received proceeds in the state budget which
are 20 per cent higher than all of the privatization proceeds in all the
years. We are talking about just one asset. But we have dozens of these
strategic assets in Ukraine.

The question to the Yanukovyches, [former presidential administration head
Viktor] Medvedchuks and [former President Leonid] Kuchmas is – where are
those strategic assets? Where did they go? Where is the national budget?
Where is the medic, the soldier, the teacher?

We are talking about the new authorities, and their arrival will benefit
everyone, if these authorities are honest, democratic and professional.
Therefore, I am especially proud that in the past 10 years the salary of the
average Ukrainian citizen grew by 35 per cent. It is not that often that
real incomes grow by 24 per cent, that salaries of teachers, medics and
culture workers grow by 57 per cent. I think this is a rare performance in
our history. [Passage omitted: more praise for economic achievements]

SAYS FOREIGN RELATIONS IMPROVED

I would like to say that over this period the world and Europe got to know
Ukraine. We have had twice as many visitors from the European Union in the
last six months, after we cancelled visas for EU citizens.

In a few days, the Ukraine-EU summit will open in Kiev, chaired by Tony
Blair, where we hope to receive the market economy status. Two days ago, we
started official talks on liberalization of the visa regime for Ukrainians
visiting the EU. The US government has cancelled trade and customs sanctions
against Ukraine.

The Jackson-Vanik amendment has been cancelled. Many things have been done
to make sure that in the first quarter of 2006, Ukraine can become a member
of the World Trade Organization. We have done a lot of work here, especially
in recent days. But you see the disputes in parliament. We don’t always find
unity of Ukrainian interests there.

I am happy that on 2 December Ukraine will receive 39 representatives of
foreign countries, more than 10 presidents and prime ministers, who will
attend a forum of democratic forces. I am happy that Ukraine is becoming a
regional leader. A leader that initiates the settlement not just of frozen
conflicts but also launches modern, interesting intercontinental projects.

PROMISES TO CORRECT ECONOMIC MISTAKES

But I believe, my dear friends, that we have enough courage to speak about
our mistakes. About what we failed to achieve. We have done a lot, but not
everything. And to ensure that Ukraine prospers, we must give answers to all
questions, including uncomfortable ones.

A lot of time has been wasted because of mistakes and miscalculations. There
have been obvious mistakes if we talk about what has befallen the country as
a result of administrative interference with the market, in particular, the
prices, the fuel, meat and sugar crises. I am convinced that this is not
something we should be proud of or should place on the altar of Ukrainian
heroism.

It is sad that Ukraine has closed economic zones, closed more than 500
projects, and many of them were run by investors who came and invested money
with an open soul, started their businesses in the hope of working for
Ukraine. It was an unfortunate mistake, which provoked a serious conflict
between the regional and central authorities and individual businesses. Over
the next week, we will finish fixing it.

We are finding answers to businesses’ motivation to cancel VAT payments and
customs payments when talking about re-export operations. We are convinced
that the issue of so-called reprivatization could be handled more
appropriately. Without scaring investors by questioning the validity or
legitimacy of their projects. But I want to say that making mistakes is not
a problem. We should be happy and proud of the opportunity to correct these
mistakes.

REGRETS BREAK UP OF ORANGE TEAM,
ACCUSATION OF CORRUPTION

From the very first day of talking about the formation of the Ukrainian
authorities, I made my approach plain and clear. I had one criteria on the
basis of which I proposed the government and other executive institutions in
Ukraine should be formed.

The first position is that I offered the highest government posts, [posts
in] regional executive power, other institutions of power to the people who
stood behind me on Maydan. Some of these people were with me in the
parliamentary election [in 2002], some of them in the presidential race [in
2004], and won. There were no accidental people, and I want to stress that.
There were no people in the Ukrainian authorities other than those from
Maydan, the people who were accepted by Maydan.

These included [former state secretary Oleksandr] Zinchenko, [former
National Security and Defence Council Secretary Petro] Poroshenko, [current
National Security and Defence Council Secretary Anatoliy] Kinakh, [former
Prime Minister Yuliya] Tymoshenko, [current Interior Minister Yuriy]
Lutsenko, [former Deputy Prime Minister for Regional Policy Roman]
Bezsmertnyy, [former Transport Minister Yevhen] Chervonenko, [former Deputy
Prime Minister for Humanitarian Issues Mykola] Tomenko, [current Finance
Minister Viktor] Pynzenyk.

These are people who stood by me in the days of the Orange Revolution. These
are people who made the notable and important steps that are now referred to
as the Orange Revolution and the efforts we associate with this glorious
period. These are the faces that, as a matter of fact, made the revolution.

I delegated enough power to each one of them. And, I am confident today,
none of them complained that they lacked something. And I was happy how the
work started in these first days because I believed, and I am still
convinced, that these people are quite professional. These are people who
had a big political school behind them to bring benefits for this country.

And therefore I had a clear and specific hope. These people were a single
team here on stage, these people would be a single team when they move to
offices. But being in opposition, being on Maydan is different to working in
the office. And when I saw that month by month the team started losing its
team spirit, I told every side – friends, such processes are inadmissible. I
did this until the last day.

And I want to say once again that it is not important that from 6.5 per cent
GDP growth in January we fell back to minus 1.6 per cent in August. It is
not even important that we have burnt 2.5 billion of the trade surplus
during six months. Even the growth of prices for sugar or meat, sausages or
cereals is not important. I know figures for every item.

The worst thing is that the team which was united on this square became
different when they were in state offices. So the efforts I made in the last
weeks of August and in September – we were sitting until 2300 trying to
reconcile one side with the other. My demand was that they come to their
senses and shake hands with each other.

Maydan needs this, Ukraine needs this, and I needed to achieve the goals we
have set. I had an impression that they agreed. But then I was betrayed.
Then I gave them a chance once more. But it happened the way it happened.
Today I think it is another lesson of Maydan. We should draw conclusions. We
should not create myths, we should not create legends, but we should talk
about this honestly.

It was not Independence Square that brought corruption to this country. It
was not those people who are standing behind my back or those who were
standing behind my back 12 months ago who were the carriers of corruption.
But it happened that this label has stuck to the members of the Orange
Revolution, without proof, without a court, without a single fact so far.

Why did this collapse affect us. Because private ambitions began working
instead of the principles of Maydan. This was the problem that split the
team, these decent and wise people who were standing behind my back 12
months ago.

Dear friends, speaking about the choice, tests and lessons, I would like
very much that the team standing behind my back honestly learn these
lessons, that they don’t lie, that they act and talk honestly.

Friends, I am asking you not to turn Maydan into the 2006 parliamentary
election. I am begging you. We are talking about Freedom Day. Let’s be wise
and correct.

GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS SHOULD STICK TO THEIR OWN SECTOR

Second, friends. I am confident that Ukraine will be a democratic and free
country from now on and it won’t be affected by any backtracking, which
would encroach on its democracy. Freedom of speech, freedom of choice,
including political choice, and the supremacy of law will rule in this
country. But we should honestly say that without changes, without movement
we will see the dead Ukraine that we had for 12-13 years before us. So we
should talk about the policy of changes, the policy of reform.

Dear friends, I would like very much for every government member to talk
about the tasks he faces. So that the deputy prime minister for humanitarian
issues does not speak about pension reform, saying: let us do it. Let us
reform education, which is deeply corrupt.

Let us make Ukrainian health care available to Ukrainians. I would like the
deputy prime minister for humanitarian issues to talk about these things. I
would like the economics minister to talk about the economy rather than the
National Security and Defence Council and its decisions.

I would like everyone working in the Ukrainian government and representing
it to bear responsibility since he is not in opposition, since he is
responsible for everything happening in the country. And the best thing they
can do is to be in charge of their own sector.

PLEDGES TO CONTINUE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION

We have great tasks for the future. I would like to emphasize the main idea
for all of you. We should feel stronger and more united after this
celebration of the first year of Ukraine’s freedom. I am sure that each one
of us should understand that we want to see wealthy Ukrainians. We should
carry out changes and ensure Ukraine’s movement. I would like to talk about
the tasks for 2006.

I would like to begin with what we started on this square – the fight
against corruption. I would like to say that it was not Independence Square
that brought corruption to Ukraine. Corruption flourished in this country
for over 10 years from top to bottom. And in the rating of the most corrupt
countries Ukraine never did better than No 120. But what did Maydan bring?

Maydan allowed us to talk about this problem for the first time. Fifteen
months ago no state official, an ordinary person or journalist could say
much about corruption in this country. But they knew well that it existed in
the doctor’s office, school, university or a state official’s office.

We have worked out a plan to fight corruption, which cannot be fulfilled in
five or 12 months. This is an evil we should fight for perhaps more than a
year. But we said during the first year that, number one, corruption will be
seriously minimized if honest people come to work as officials, and their
moral values, God, Bible and their spirituality will not allow them to cross
the line beyond which corruption begins.

We have replaced several thousand officials. This was the job of the first
seven-eight months. Nobody has ever did this much. Not everybody have been
reached. Not everyone was defined correctly. Some should be reviewed again
and maybe even for the third time, because we are talking about the new
Ukrainian authorities which are based on moral values. They should have
their new style. Let us be patient in this respect. This is an extremely
serious issue.

Paragraph two of the corruption issue. Do we have officials who have
extremely broad remits? Clearly yes. We have begun revising executive
decisions, laws, government resolutions and presidential decrees. It turned
out that out of 9,000 regulations over 5,000 should be cancelled so that we
can have transparent and competitive rules, a clear procedure for
appointments, licences and tenders. Two weeks ago parliament approved two
good laws on regulatory policy. Over six months we will seriously review the
functions of state officials.

CRITICIZES JUDICIARY, PROSECUTION SERVICE

The third point is about the court system and the prosecutor’s office. We
have a corrupt court system. Twelve months ago we said here – where can we
find justice, in which court in this country? Back them we announced – the
main stage in combating corruption should be the conduct of fundamental
judicial reform because few are pleased with the courts the way they are
today. A minority is pleased with it while a majority is not.

When a few days ago a district court passed a ruling that a presidential
decree on the dismissal of the prosecutor-general [Svyatoslav Piskun] should
be overturned, this was perceived as a joke. When the president acts in line
with a constitutional provision, which is not subject to revision by any
court except the Constitutional Court, a district court today demonstrates
that it can spit on the rules of this country, on this democracy, on
everything because they have always had impunity.

The Prosecutor-General’s Office is a big problem. I am convinced that until
recently it was a political institution, an institution with political
amnesty. Hundreds and thousands of cases had been forwarded there over eight
months involving 77 heads of district administrations, 19 heads of regional
administrations, three heads of regional councils, more than 1,000
state-level officials.

Over nine months of work by the prosecutor’s office, we have not received a
single decision to indicate that the prosecutor’s office has fought economic
crime, abuse of office or corruption. Therefore, esteemed friends, I am not
bowing my head but looking you straight in the eye and saying – we should
reform the judiciary in this country to ensure the supremacy of law.

We should conduct profound reform of the prosecutor’s office. This is our
contribution to the fight against corruption. Without this, we cannot answer
the question on how to purge corrupt figures from the executive branch of
power, from parliament, from local bodies of power.

[Passage omitted: talks about the need to increase salaries for judges and
officials as a way of combating corruption and bribery]

Dear friends, I am convinced that the steps I named and other steps
stipulated in the presidential decree will be the answer to the question of
how Ukraine will cope with the outrage which we have inherited from the
Yanukovych-Kuchma regime that is called corruption. We will manage it. But
friends, do not bend your heads and do not cover your heads in ashes. Not a
single nation has done it in weeks or months. Let’s live up to the
challenge. [Passage omitted: talks about challenges in the education
system]

JUSTIFIES TALKING WITH OPPOSITION

I have to give answers to a number of comments that were made here. There
were comments on the memorandum between the authorities and the opposition
[signed with Yanukovych on 22 September]. I would like to say the following.

You remember how when we stood on this square 12 months ago, we heard about
the results of the meeting in Severodonetsk, which launched the political
initiative to create an Eastern-Ukrainian republic. They were political
outsiders who were looking for their salvation through the division of the
nation.

Then among all the European flags, among the many slogans of support for the
election campaign, there was one slogan – East and West together. I know how
a lot of people who stood on the orange Maydan brought food to the Dynamo
Stadium since those lads in tents had nothing but vodka with them.

You brought food to support that team, to shake hands and say: Lads, we are
citizens of Ukraine. There is a single Ukraine above us, irrespective of
your belief, irrespective of the language you speak, irrespective of what
political force you support – that is not so important.

Let us not set ourselves the goal of splitting the country. Yes, excuse me,
there is such a phenomenon in this country as Yanukovych. There is such a
phenomenon as opposition to the current authorities. There is. This is true.
I don’t want to describe this phenomenon. But I want to tell you one thing.
Friends, when we say that Ukraine should be united, don’t we have to talk
about it here? I am sure we do.

When we say that we will hold the 2006 election fairly – perhaps for the
first time in this country – isn’t it worth talking to the opposition? It
is, because we are talking not about Yanukovych but about those people who
support other political forces and who are also Ukrainian citizens.

When we talk about the 2006 budget, should we support it and live with a
budget or not? When we talk about the WTO, should we talk about this or not?
For we cannot muster 226 votes among ourselves to support [bills needed for
Ukraine’s WTO entry].

Friends, let’s do our thinking as people who have come to power from Maydan
and who are responsible for the unity of the nation and the country.

CALLS FOR UNITY OF DEMOCRATIC FORCES IN
PARLIAMENT ELECTION

Therefore, dear friends, I call on you not to forget one of the values that
Maydan holds sacred – we are united. Nothing can separate us. I know what is
going to happen – to make one last stab in the back of the Ukrainian
nation – a vote on NATO, a referendum on the SES [Single Economic Space
with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan] and lots of other things that are intended
to demonstrate one thing at this difficult political time – Ukrainians, you
are different, you differ on NATO, you differ on the SES, you differ on the
WTO, you even speak different languages, you belong to different
denominations, you walk under different icons.

And I say to you – do not bend, my friends, do not swallow this sweet bait.
We have lived through this for 12 months. The main lesson that we have
learnt is, do we want to win the 2006 election? Yes, we do. There is only
one answer to this. The team standing behind my back should be united. They
should be on the same side. They should offer a hand to each other. [shouts
of approval]

If Ukraine is in the heart, we should remember one thing, the challenge –
[stops in the middle of sentence interrupted by shouts] Friends, I am here
to say serious things to you. Please, please, please.

The challenge we are facing in the 2006 parliamentary election is – it is
not about electing a parliament, it is not about electing a prime minister,
it is an answer to this – what we have earned over the last 12 months and
what we call Ukrainian freedom, Ukrainian democracy and Ukrainian liberty –
will this be preserved or will we turn this Ukrainian history over as our
inheritance to the previous regime. This is a most topical issue.

The orange coalition’s being in the middle of a feud now is not the best
context for the 2006 election. It is not the best, but I was confident of
one thing. Maydan will unite them once again. Maydan will bring the people
together, because it is not about the egos of 15 or 20 people. I am
convinced that this is the will of tens of millions of Ukrainians.

We should secure the victory of democratic forces in March 2006. This is our
promise because a victorious election of the Ukrainian president can only be
victorious if there are democratic victories in the 2006 Ukrainian
parliament. This is a single body which cannot be torn apart.

Therefore, dear friends, speaking about this, I would like to appeal to all
of you who are present in this square today and who were in this square a
year ago. Ukraine needs all civil structures defending freedom, democracy
and human rights to be active and purposeful.

A watchful responsible media is needed to speak the truth to citizens.
Energetic entrepreneurs are needed to move the economy forward and to create
jobs. Ukraine needs the energy and patriotism of all citizens united by love
for their country and their freedom.

I swear to each of you – I am ready to do everything I can for our unity.
First and foremost, to unite the forces that were together on Maydan and
that profess its values. It is our mutual understanding that can guarantee
the changes that we have just talked about.

I remind you once again about the strength that Ukrainian freedom has given
us. From today on, we will celebrate Ukrainian Freedom Day. It will remind
us that if we are free and united, we will attain every aim that Maydan
identified as a national goal. A dream about a prosperous, free and
independent Ukraine will come true.

We lived that dream here and were proud of it. Glory to Ukrainian Maydan!
Glory to each one of you! Glory to the free Ukrainian nation! Glory to Lord
our God and glory to Ukraine! -30-
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
2. KIEV CITIZENS KEEP FAITH WITH THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
Chris Stephen reports on the turmoil and political
in-fighting which has dominated Ukraine in the past year

Chris Stephen, Irish Times, Ireland, Wed, Nov 23, 2005

Ukraine’s capital, Kiev, was bathed in orange last night as thousands of
people marked the anniversary of last year’s pro-democracy demonstrations,
the so-called “Orange Revolution”.

However, in line with the disappointment felt with the progress of the
government, numbers were drastically down on the crowds of 500,000 which
brought the city to a standstill a year ago.

Citizens bundled in orange scarves against the biting cold nevertheless
cheered last night and sang along to some of the pop tunes which had
entertained them each night during the Orange Revolution.

Last year’s protests began when foreign observers accused former prime
minister Viktor Yanukovich of rigging the presidential election of November
2004 to ensure his victory. Three weeks of huge demonstrations, carried out
as armed police threatened to intervene, saw Yanukovich agree to hold new
elections, which Viktor Yushchenko won.

A year later, the Orange Revolution has lost much of its lustre, with
Yushchenko and his former ally in the pro-democracy leadership, Julia
Timoshenko, having gone their separate ways after an acrimonious split.

During the demonstrations, the pair were inseparable, forming a memorable
double-act – her attractive features contrasting with his pebble-dashed
face, the result of a poisoning attack by the secret police.

Yet, in power, the two repeatedly clashed. Timoshenko won plaudits for
attacking the corrupt privatisations of the former regime. Yushchenko
supporters accused her of populism by raising pensions and wages for state
workers last spring, a move which has resulted in a doubling of the national
debt to US$6 billion.

Timoshenko supporters in turn have accused Yushchenko of being soft on
corruption, and her criticism has fallen on fertile ground.

Many in Kiev were shocked at the opportunism of Yushchenko’s 19-year-old
son, Andriy, who tried to patent the slogan of the Orange Revolution, “Tak”,
meaning “Yes”. Tee-shirts, scarves and badges with this slogan do a roaring
trade at city-centre souvenir stalls, but Ukrainians were dismayed that
anyone, least of all the president’s son, could try to corner the market.

The second blow to Yushchenko’s prestige came in the summer when he shook
hands with his former adversary, Yanukovich. This handshake came after
Timoshenko supporters in parliament refused to support Yushchenko.

Determined to get new laws passed, the president reached out to his former
enemy. But images of the two men shaking hands left many Ukrainians
wondering if he had gone back on promises made during the revolution.

In September, the two camps began trading insults, and Yushchenko sacked his
entire cabinet, including Timoshenko.

However, Timoshenko seized the limelight back from Yushchenko in
Independence Square last night. In an impassioned 20-minute address,
delivered without notes, she clearly won over the crowd of more than
100,000.

“I am certain that, just as we supported Viktor Yushchenko in the
presidential election, we must now unite to elect a prime minister who will
embody everything we fought for,” said Timoshenko, tears welling in her
eyes.

“I want to dismiss all the rumours that it is Timoshenko versus Yushchenko.
This cannot be so, because this is the president that you and I helped bring
to power. We did it together.”

Timoshenko told the crowd that only a united team of reformers could win the
March 2006 election to a parliament led by a prime minister with expanded
powers.

Yushchenko, looking uncomfortable, eventually issued a similar call at the
end of a speech lasting nearly an hour. “Do we want to win the 2006
parliamentary election? Yes, we do,” Yushchenko said to modest applause from
the crowd.

“This team standing behind me must be united, must work together and extend
a hand to one another.” -30-
———————————————————————————————
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3. YUSHCHENKO MARKS FIRST ORANGE ANNIVERSARY

By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times
London, UK, Tuesday, November 22 2005

President Viktor Yushchenko and his former prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko
reunited on Tuesday night to celebrate the first anniversary of their Orange
Revolution’s street protests amid talk of a possible alliance between the
two estranged leaders.

With hundreds of thousands showing up in snowy weather to hear their
speeches, Mr Yushchenko and Ms Tymoshenko made no reference to the
differences that caused the president to fire Ms Tymoshenko two months ago.
Instead, they urged the crowd to vote for their pro-western, reformist
parties in parliamentary elections next March.

Analysts doubt the two leaders will manage to unite their teams on a single
electoral ticket next year, but Mykola Tomenko, an ally of Ms Tymoshenko,
said their parties could form an alliance with co-ordinated platforms and
joint campaign events while still appearing separately on the ballot.

“Today we are discussing the formation of an Orange government coalition,”
Mr Tomenko said at a press conference.

Tuesday’s ceremony, which Mr Yushchenko has named “Freedom Day”,
commemorates the start of protests one year ago against widespread
vote-rigging that marred the presidential election poll of November 21, when
prime minister Viktor Yanukovich was initially declared the winner. After
two weeks of protests brought the country to a standstill, the Supreme Court
cancelled the election and ordered a re-vote, which Mr Yushchenko won.

Mr Yushchenko rewarded Ms Tymoshenko, who helped lead the protests, by
naming her prime minister. In September, however, she was sacked after she
quarrelled publicly with his other allies. They also clashed over economic
policy, notably over the resale of state companies by the previous
administration of then president Leonid Kuchma.

The country last month re-sold the Kryvorizhtal steel mill to Mittal Steel
for $4.8bn (Euro 4.1bn, £2.8bn), $4bn more than that paid by investors close
to Mr Kuchma two years earlier.

The moves toward a reunion come as Mr Yushchenko’s centre-right Our Ukraine
party and Ms Tymoshenko’s centre-left Fatherland party are trailing Mr
Yanukovich’s Regions party in the polls.

Hryhory Nemyria, an adviser to Ms Tymoshenko, said she had revived contacts
with Mr Yushchenko’s camp earlier this month and had met his chief of staff,
Oleh Rybachuk.

Tuesday’s events were marred slightly by clashes between police and
supporters of a rightwing group, Brotherhood, which planned to hold an
anti-Orange rally but was denied permission. -30-

——————————————————————————————–
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4. ONE YEAR ON, UKRAINE’S ORANGE REVOLUTION PALES
70 per cent of orange revolution supporters are now disillusioned

By Askold Krshelnycky in Kiev, Independent
London, UK, Wednesday, 23 November 2005

Crowds of Ukrainians waving orange flags descended on Kiev’s main square
yesterday for anniversary celebrations marking the start of the orange
revolution.

Instead of a party, the setpiece event has become a blend of commemoration
and inquest into the dramatic events that brought down the government. The
muted tone has been set by a difficult first year for the two figures who
swept to power on the back of the populist protest: the opposition leader
turned President, Viktor Yushchenko, and the woman propelled into, and later
fired from, the prime minister’s office, Julia Tymoshenko.

A year on, accusations that the orange government has failed to address the
endemic corruption that they campaigned against and to arrest key figures in
the administration of the disgraced Leonid Kuchma have soured the optimism.

Most damaging to Mr Yushchenko is the accusation that his office has stalled
the investigation into the murder of the investigative journalist Georgiy
Gongadze. Oleksandr Turchynov, who headed the Ukrainian Security Service
(SBU) following the orange revolution, said he believed the Gongadze
investigation had been stalled by the President himself.

Gongadze, whose headless corpse was discovered in November 2000, was a
serial critic of the Kuchma regime, but his killing has never been directly
linked to the former President. Mr Turchynov said the SBU had obtained
secret recordings implicating Mr Kuchma and senior colleagues in ordering
the journalist’s abduction and the cover-up of his killing. The recordings
were provided by Mr Kuchma’s former bodyguard, Mykola Melnychenko,
who fled to the US.

Mr Kuchma and others who figure on the recordings have denied involvement
and variously said they were fake or had been tampered with. But Mr
Turchynov said tests by SBU experts had determined the recordings were
authentic. “The tests had been completed and all that remained was for them
to be formally approved and handed to the prosecutor-general to lay charges.
It seems there are serious figures who do not want those who ordered the
killing to be brought to justice.”

Mr Turchynov was ousted from office along with Ms Tymoshenko in September –
he is now a member of her political party.

Two police officers are in custody charged with actually carrying out the
murder. Last year The Independent named two men as supervising the abduction
of Gongadze: a Kuchma-era interior minster, Yuriy Kravchenko, who figures in
the recordings, and a police general, Oleksiy Pukach. Kravchenko was found
dead with two bullets in his head last March hours before he was due to be
questioned about the killing. Pukach fled, apparently abroad, and has not
been caught.

The dead end in the Gongadze probe is indicative of the public feeling that
little has changed. Senior police officers from the eastern city of Kharkov
who last year risked punishment by revealing how the Kuchma regime had
forced police and other government employees to collude in faking election
results, this week complained that little had changed.

Colonel Igor Bohadytsya said: “During his election campaign, Yushchenko
promised to reinstate within eight days those police officers who were
removed for refusing to take illegal orders, and he promised to remove those
who gave such orders. It’s been a year and people like us have not been
reinstated and matters have got worse.”

He said the initial hopes that the new government would enforce a clean-up
have faded. “Now they [corrupt officials] have got back up on their hind
legs and have dismissed honest people and laugh at us and ask what the
revolution we believed in so much achieved.”

That question is echoing throughout the country, where 70 per cent of orange
revolution supporters are now disillusioned, according to recent polls.

People are dismayed that no prominent members of the old regime have been
brought to trial and many, including Ms Tymoshenko, claim Mr Yushchenko has
made a secret deal with Mr Kuchma and his cronies not to prosecute them.
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http://news.independent.co.uk/europe/article328714.ece
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5. SACKED PRIME MINISTER YULIA TYMOSHENKO UPSTAGES
PRESIDENT VICTOR YUSHCHENKO AT MASS UKRAINE RALLY

By Ron Popeski, Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue Nov 22, 2005

KIEV – Ukraine’s dismissed prime minister seized the limelight from
President Viktor Yushchenko a year after Orange Revolution protests with an
electrifying appeal on Tuesday to join forces in next year’s parliamentary
election.

Both Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko, the premier he sacked in September,
told supporters in Kiev’s Independence Square that only a united team of
reformers could win the March 2006 election to a parliament led by a prime
minister with expanded powers.

But Tymoshenko’s impassioned 20-minute address, delivered without notes,
clearly won over a crowd of well more than 100,000 marking last year’s mass
protests which helped propel the president to victory in the re-run of a
rigged poll.

“I am certain that just as we supported Viktor Yushchenko in the
presidential election, we must now unite to elect a prime minister who will
embody everything we fought for,” Tymoshenko, tears welling in her eyes,
told the crowd.

“I want to dismiss all the rumors that it is Tymoshenko versus Yushchenko.
This cannot be so, because this is the president that you and I helped bring
to power. We did it together.”

Tymoshenko’s speech on what the liberal administration has proclaimed
“Freedom Day” was clearly aimed at the March election campaign.

It also sought to justify her eight months in charge of a government that
blew apart after splitting into rival camps, each accusing the other of
corruption.

As snow fell on the square, she told supporters: “My heart is with you. If
it didn’t work the first time, it will next time round. We cannot stop with
things half finished.”

PUBLIC CONFIDENCE SAPPED

Tymoshenko’s dismissal dented the ratings of both leaders. It also sapped
public confidence among Ukrainians who had backed the ideals of mass
protests against election fraud and Yushchenko’s calls to move Ukraine into
the European mainstream.

The Regions Party of Viktor Yanukovich, the rival Yushchenko defeated in
last year’s lengthy election campaign, leads polls for the March contest
with more than 20 percent support.

Tymoshenko’s Fatherland Party lies second with 17 percent and the
pro-presidential Our Ukraine commands about 12 percent.
Yushchenko looked distinctly uncomfortable, issuing a similar call for unity
at the end of an hour-long speech interrupted periodically by hecklers
shouting “Yulia, Yulia!”

“Do we want to win the 2006 parliamentary election? Yes, we do!” the
president, accompanied on stage by his wife and children, said to modest
applause from the crowd. “This team standing behind me must be united, must
work together and extend a hand to one another.”

Tymoshenko, widely popular among rank-and-file voters for her rousing
speeches during last year’s protests, was appointed prime minister last
February under an electoral pact.

During her tenure, Western investors took fright at calls for a sweeping
review of privatizations conducted under the previous administration. She
also clashed with Yushchenko over attempts to control fuel prices.

Her replacement, technocrat Yuri Yekhanurov, is seen as a transition figure
before the March election brings in new arrangements handing many
presidential powers to the prime minister and parliament. (Additional
reporting by Olena Horodetska) -30-
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6. A CHANGED, BUT DIVIDED UKRAINE MARKS ‘ORANGE
REVOLUTION’ ANNIVERSARY

Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005

KIEV – President Viktor Yushchenko vowed that Ukraine was on the right
path as the ex-Soviet nation marked the first anniversary of its “orange
revolution,” the mass protests that ousted an entrenched pro-Russian regime.

“I want to tell those whose hands have dropped, whose head is bowed:
Friends… I assure you that we are on the sole right path, the path of
freedom and justice for each person,” Yushchenko told a cheering,
100,000-strong crowd in Kiev’s central Independence Square, the epicenter
of last year’s revolution.

The Ukrainian president called on the revolution’s dream team — the
political forces who supported him during the protests but have since split
up amid furious infighting — to unite ahead of next year’s key
parliamentary elections, which Yushchenko needs to win in order to continue
his pro-Western policies.

“The team behind me must be united,” he said to roars from the crowd,
referring to leaders of political parties who joined him on the stage,
including fiery Yulia Tymoshenko, who split with the Ukrainian leader after
he fired her as prime minister two months ago.

“The 2006 election… is an answer to the question of whether we will be
able to save what we earned 12 months ago and call Ukrainian freedom and
Ukrainian democracy,” Yushchenko said.

Tymoshenko, who addressed the crowd before the Ukrainian president, warned
that “today a comeback (by the former regime) is possible as never before. I
don’t want us to let our guard down.”

Yushchenko, who gave Tymoshenko a perfunctory peck on the cheek that fell
some way short of a sign of reconciliation, spoke from a stage set up in the
middle of Independence Square, where a year ago he launched the 17 days of
peaceful protests against a rigged presidential vote.

The demonstrations captivated the world, and in vital ways broke Russia’s
traditional dominance over the ex-Soviet nation.

It also split the country. While the agrarian, nationalist,
Ukrainian-speaking west backed Yushchenko in the standoff, the pro-Moscow,
Russian-speaking east supported his electoral rival, former prime minister
Viktor Yanukovich, and the division is still deeply felt.

While central Kiev once again turned orange Tuesday, rallies featuring blue
and white — the color of Yanukovich’s campaign — were held in the eastern
city of Donetsk and in the southern Crimean peninsula, which supported
Yanukovich during last year’s ballot.

“This isn’t a holiday for us,” one Donetsk resident told Ukrainian
television. “Today is a day of regret,” said another.

Yushchenko assumed power on vows of turning Ukraine, which for hundreds
of years was under Russian influence, on a pro-Western course, including
eventual membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.

Despite the national divisions during the protests, Yushchenko’s approval
rating stood at nearly 73 percent three months after his inauguration in
late January.

But a lack of progress on reforms, corruption accusations against his
entourage and the split of the “orange” team has left many revolution
supporters disenchanted and have sent the ratings tumbling to just above 50
percent in October.

Nevertheless, Ukraine today is a different place from what it was a year
ago — media scrutinize the government, competition among political parties
is flourishing and the country is surely, albeit slowly, moving on its
pro-European course, with the European Union having recently begun
negotiations on facilitating the visa regime with Kiev.

“This is a celebration of freedom,” said Alexander Safonov, a 42-year-old
sailor and Kiev native who attended Tuesday’s celebrations with his wife.
“Of course I’m a little bit disappointed… but at least now we have hope
for the future.” -30-

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========================================================
7. YUSHCHENKO URGES UKRAINIANS TO BE PROUD OF
CHANGES, PATIENT WITH REFORMS

AP INTERVIEW: Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko
Mara D. Bellaby, AP Worldstream, Kiev, Ukraine, Tues, Nov 22, 2005

KIEV – President Viktor Yushchenko, marking the first anniversary of the
Orange Revolution protests that helped bring him to power, on Tuesday called
on Ukrainians to be proud of the past year’s accomplishments and to be
patient while reforms continue.

“There is no disappointment here,” Yushchenko told The Associated Press in
an interview in his office before celebrations were to begin in downtown
Kiev.

The euphoria that followed the one-time opposition figure’s dramatic rise to
the presidency has been followed by wide dissatisfaction with
slower-than-desired reforms and infighting in his government. But
Yushchenko, in the interview, said: “We have all that we need for change.”

“Of course, it is difficult to change a country in 10 months,” said
Yushchenko, wearing a tie in the shade of bright orange that was his
campaign’s emblem.

Yushchenko took office in late January after winning a court-ordered rerun
of the disputed elections that brought hundreds of thousands of his
supporters into downtown Kiev for weeks of protest.

“Ukraine, maybe, has lived through the happiest year in its history,”
Yushchenko said, acknowledging that nostalgia was running high, especially
Tuesday.

Thousands of people descended on Independence Square on Tuesday to mark the
anniversary, many waving orange flags and wearing orange scarves. Columns of
Ukrainians, primarily from pro-Yushchenko western Ukraine, kept arriving in
the square as the sun went down and a light snow fell.

Yushchenko was scheduled to give the keynote address, and he appeared tense
as he talked about his country’s accomplishments and the tasks that still
lie ahead.

“To be in opposition against somebody and … make good speeches is one
thing,” he said. “To enter office and do what is sometimes a rather gray job
is another issue, but it is important this work be effective and
professional.”

Yushchenko insisted that the problems that remain to be solved, such as
corruption and fixing the country’s broken judicial system, were inherited
problems.

“They were not created by Independence Square,” Yushchenko said.

One issue that continues to dog Yushchenko is the breakup of the Orange
Revolution partners, particularly his fallout with the glamorous Yulia
Tymoshenko, who has moved into the opposition since Yushchenko fired her as
prime minister in September.

“It is pity that mutual accusations were put forward, which caused both
teams to lose their reputations,” Yushchenko said. “Today when we talk about
the revolution anniversary, I’d like all sides to use it to form one voice
on the square, for each political force despite the personal ambitions of
its leader to understand a very simple thing: Only solidarity brings
success.”

Yushchenko’s party is in talks with Tymoshenko’s bloc about reuniting in a
coalition after March’s parliamentary election, but Tymoshenko’s demand that
she again become prime minister remains a major stumbling block.

He said he could work with her again “if the mistakes that were made were
taken into account.”

Yushchenko’s face remains covered in pockmarks from the dioxin poisoning
that knocked him off the campaign trail for weeks last year and that many
suspect was committed by his enemies. Earlier this month, Yushchenko gave
fresh blood samples under Ukrainian supervision so the samples could be used
in any prosecution.

His spokeswoman, Irina Gerashchenko, said late Tuesday that the samples had
again confirmed dioxin poisoning. No one has yet been charged in connection
with the poisoning.

Meanwhile, Yushchenko touted the planned withdrawal of Ukraine’s 876 troops
from Iraq by years end as one of his major accomplishments. -30-
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8. ORANGE REVOLUTION PROTESTS BITTERSWEET

Natasha Lisova, AP Online, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue, Nov 22, 2005

It was a far cry from last year when the hero and heroine of Ukraine’s
Orange Revolution stood arm-in-arm on the Independence Square stage before
hundreds of thousands protesting election fraud. The slogan then was:
“Together We Are Many And We Can’t Be Defeated.”

On Tuesday, tens of thousands flooded Kiev’s main square, many hoping – even
pleading – for a reconciliation between President Viktor Yushchenko and
former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko on the first anniversary of the
revolution that propelled the one-time allies to power.

But Yushchenko lashed out at Tymoshenko after she used her time to make what
sounded like a political stump speech. Tears rolled down her cheeks.

“I swear to each of you, I am ready to do everything to restore our unity,”
a clearly frazzled Yushchenko told the crowd after a lengthy speech in which
he criticized Tymoshenko’s economic policies.

Some in the crowd responded with whistles – a sign of disapproval – and
chants of “Yulia! Yulia!”

Yushchenko’s government had billed Tuesday’s festivities as a day to
celebrate the freedom they claim was the biggest achievement of their first
10 months in power. But the celebrations were tinged with disappointment for
many who expected the country to make a dramatic turnaround out of poverty
and corruption.

“We thought the revolution was a fight we’d win at once, but it turned out
to be only the first assault,” said Tymoshenko, who split with Yushchenko
after he fired her in September.

Yushchenko again slammed her policies, which he claims brought this former
Soviet republic to the brink of economic collapse. But he also told the
crowd that Ukraine had accomplished much to be proud of during his time in
office.

“My friends, as president, I maintain that we are on the right path, a path
of justice, a path of freedom. … We achieved things which no one before us
had, and I am proud of this,” said Yushchenko, who was inaugurated in
January after winning a court-ordered rerun election.

In an interview with The Associated Press hours before the rally, Yushchenko
acknowledged there was still more work to be done but said “10 months is not
enough to change the country.”

“To be in opposition against somebody and … make good speeches is one
thing,” he told AP. “To enter office and do what is sometimes a rather gray
job is another issue, but it is important this work be effective and
professional.”

Yushchenko insisted that tasks remaining to be done, such as judicial reform
and eliminating corruption, involved problems he inherited. “They were not
created by Independence Square,” Yushchenko said.

Last year’s Independence Square protests, which broke out after election
officials in the previous pro-Moscow government robbed Yushchenko of his
victory, helped usher the opposition leader into power. Yushchenko rewarded
Tymoshenko for her help with the No. 2 job.

On Tuesday, wet snow fell heavily on the crowds, bundled up in orange
scarves as they listened to an array of pop groups and waited for Yushchenko
to make a speech – much as they had a year ago.

Chants of “Yu-shchen-ko! Yu-shchen-ko!” greeted the president, as he stepped
onto the stage surrounded by his family, all bedecked in orange.

Yushchenko, whose speech followed Tymoshenko’s, greeted his former ally with
a kiss on the cheek. But when the crowd broke into chants of “Yulia” as
Yushchenko began speaking, he stopped and said: “Keep chanting ‘Yulia’
again, I will listen, then I will start my speech.” When they persisted in
chanting her name, Yushchenko snapped: “Be polite” and the crowd temporarily
grew silent.

Many in the crowd had hoped for a reconciliation. Politician after
politician called on the pair to reunite.

“Throw away your personal ambitions and interests, the people and Ukraine
must come before everything,” said Vitali Klitschko, a newly retired world
heavyweight boxing champion and a possible Kiev mayoral candidate.

All to no avail. Tymoshenko made a stump speech, her eye on regaining the
prime minister’s job after March elections.
Yushchenko responded with criticism. A crying Tymoshenko stood behind him,
her arms crossed.

Yushchenko, who defeated Kremlin-favored Viktor Yanukovych in the election,
had promised to bring Ukraine closer to the West and restore trust in
government. But a corruption scandal that touched some of his most senior
aides has left many Ukrainians feeling disenchanted.

“They didn’t justify people’s hopes, that’s true, but we do have more
democracy now,” said teacher Iryna Rytikova, who held an orange balloon.

Others were not so forgiving, and some left during Yushchenko’s speech. “The
impression is that he’s trying to persuade everyone and particularly himself
that everything is not so bad as it looks,” said Dmytro Kundin, a
34-year-old businessman.

Interior Minister Yuriy Lustenko pleaded with the crowd not to feel
disillusioned. “Let all the disappointed remember why we stood here a year
ago … not for salaries, pensions or a piece of sausage, not even for the
person whom we made a president _ but for freedom,” he said.
——————————————————————————————–
Associated Press reporters Anna Melnichuk and Mara D. Bellaby
contributed to this report.
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9. REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE: ONE YEAR ON.
WILL THE CIS TURN ORANGE?

OPINION & ANALYSIS: By Arseny Oganesyan,
RIA Novosti political commentator
Russian News & Information Agency, RIA Novosti
Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005

MOSCOW – On November 20, a year ago, Ukraine was shaken by an “orange
revolution,” drawing the attention of the international community to events
in Kiev’s Independence Square.

The West and Russia were concerned over the events, though their assessments
of them differed. But, just as RIA Novosti’s experts predicted, the change
of power in Ukraine did not shift its geopolitical orientation from the East
to the West or improved the living standards of the people.

The “orange” team fell apart surprisingly quickly, within less than a year.
Vyacheslav Nikonov, a respected political scientist and a member of Russia’s
Public Chamber, says it was logical: “All revolutions have the same results.

Firstly, each revolution devours its offspring – and the ‘orange revolution’
has already done this. The bulk of revolutionary leaders have ceased to be
members of the cabinet and have joined the opposition (like Timoshenko,
Poroshenko, Zinchenko and many others).”

“Secondly,” Nikonov said, “revolutions do not alleviate the burden of
tyranny but only shift it on somebody else’s shoulders. I see no proof that
the current Ukrainian regime is more democratic than the government of
[Leonid] Kuchma. And thirdly, revolutions worsen the economic situation.”

Nearly all experts polled by RIA Novosti pointed to Ukraine’s economic
problems after the advance to power of Viktor Yushchenko.

Ukraine’s Economic Minister Arseny Yatsenyuk said in early November that the
basic macroeconomic indexes were extremely low. Ukraine’s GDP grew by 12.1%
in 2004 and only by 2.8% from January to September 2005, against the planned
8% for the whole year.

Yatsenyuk, who has only recently been appointed minister, explained the drop
in the economic growth rates by institutional interference in the economy.
According to him, this year, investment into the country’s basic capital
dropped to 10% of last year’s figure.

These changes affected the rating of President Yushchenko. The November poll
held by the Razumkov Center for Economic and Political Studies in all
regions of Ukraine shows that only 14.3% support the president, a decline of
32.4% since February 2005. And the level of public support for the Supreme
Rada (parliament) and the government is the lowest since the presidential
election.

As for the Western attitude to “orange revolutions” in general, Edward
Lozansky, president of the American University in Moscow, said that a year
after the “orange revolution” in Kiev the number of supporters of Bush’s
doctrine of “spreading democracy throughout the world” was diminishing.

At the same time, a growing number of American politicians and citizens
wonder if support of the opposition forces in the CIS countries meets the
strategic interests of the United States, Lozansky said.

He wonders if it is reasonable to worsen relations with Russia by
interfering in the zone of its legitimate interests, instead of having it as
an ally in the global war on terror. Dr. Lozansky thinks that only by
forming a powerful American-Russian alliance can the two states win that
war.

And those who are trying to undermine the alliance are damaging the national
interests of their own countries, even though they act under the cover of
such noble words as “freedom” and “democracy,” the expert said.

There are grounds to assume that some CIS countries may acquire the
revolutionary orange color soon. RIA Novosti’s experts agree that the first
victim may be Belarus, on which the West is putting unbearable pressure.

Vyacheslav Igrunov, director of the International Institute of Humanitarian
and Political Studies, said that if Alexander Lukashenko left the post of
president for any reason, the country would slide into a “velvet revolution”
with the inevitable subsequent pro-Western change in the country’s policy.
Vyacheslav Nikonov openly says, “Lukashenko will have very big problems
next year.”

Sources in Moscow also think a revolutionary scenario can be enacted in
Armenia.

Belarus and Armenia are Russia’s key allies in Eastern Europe and the South
Caucasus respectively. The West is most certainly involved in preparations
for dismantling the Lukashenko regime.

An indication of this is the numerous statements of Western politicians
about Lukashenko as the last dictator of Europe, and the funding of the
information and propaganda campaign against the Minsk authorities.

The situation with Armenia is more complicated. RIA Novosti’s sources in
Moscow say that the West is searching for points of contact with members
of the Armenian political elite. The authors of some publications write in
the media about gradually squeezing Russia out of the South Caucasus,
including Armenia.

So, Russia and the West will not stop to be strong rivals in the post-Soviet
territory, at least until the next U.S. presidential election.

Moscow is fully aware of this, and by cleverly negotiating the signing of a
treaty on allied relations with Uzbekistan it has shown that it can pursue a
highly successful geopolitical game on its own.
———————————————————————————————–
The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and may not
necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.
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10. EUROPEAN UNION PRAISES UKRAINE’S ORANGE ANNIVERSARY

Agence France Presse (AFP), Brussels, Belgium, Tues, November 22 2005

BRUSSELS – Ukraine has made huge strides since last year’s Orange
Revolution, but much remains to be done, the European Commission said
Tuesday.

The executive arm of the European Union, which Ukraine wants one day to
join, hailed the first anniversary of the uprising and reiterated that the
EU will continue to support Kiev.

“The new political reality in Ukraine was hard won through the courage and
determination of the people,” said EU external relations commissioner Benita
Ferrero-Waldner.

“One year on, Ukraine can point to important progress, but there is still
much work to do. The EU will be there to support Ukraine’s reform efforts
every step of the way.”

Orange-clad crowds rallied in Kiev on Tuesday to mark the anniversary of
Ukraine’s “orange revolution,” the mass protests that ousted a pro-Russian
regime and installed pro-Western President Viktor Yushchenko.

Yushchenko said after taking power last year that joining the EU was a key
foreign policy priority.

“Those who took to the streets in peaceful demonstrations, were demanding
democracy, better government, and a chance for greater prosperity. The
European Union is helping Ukraine to achieve these goals,” said
Ferrero-Waldner.

“We all have a duty to ensure that their aspirations for a better future are
not disappointed,” she added. – (Sapa-AFP)
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11. FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
George Bush’s Presidential Message

THE WHITE HOUSE, Office of the Press Secretary
Washington, D.C., Tuesday, November 22, 2005

FIRST ANNIVESARY OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION

I send greetings to those celebrating the first anniversary of the Orange
Revolution.

One year ago today, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian citizens stood
up to defend democracy in their homeland. Through great courage and
determination, they showed the world that the love of liberty is stronger
than the will of tyranny.

Last year’s revolution was a powerful example of freedom and democracy
in action and an inspiration to those aspiring for freedom in their own
land.

Ukraine’s leadership now faces an historic opportunity and has an historic
responsibility to fulfill the promise of the Orange Revolution and continue
to transform Ukraine into a fully democratic state.

The United States will continue to support the efforts of President Viktor
Yushchenko in advancing a democratic, prosperous, and secure Ukraine,
and America is proud to call Ukraine a friend.

Laura and I send our best wishes on this special occasion.

GEORGE W. BUSH
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12. UKRAINIANS COMMEMORATE FIRST ANNIVERSARY
OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION

Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

KIEV – Tens of thousands of Ukrainians, remembering last year’s Orange
Revolution, flooded Kiev’s main square on Tuesday to mark its first
anniversary with rock music, vodka toasts and fiery speeches.

The festivities were underlaid with disappointment for many who expected the
country would make a dramatic turnaround out of poverty and corruption. But
President Viktor Yushchenko, in a lengthy speech to the crowd, said Ukraine
had accomplished much to be proud of.

“We are on the right path, a path of justice, a path of freedom … We
achieved things which no one before us had, and I am proud of this,” he
said.

“Each of us paid for what we call freedom. I paid my price, each of you paid
your price,” said Yushchenko, his face still pockmarked from the massive
dioxin poisoning he suffered during last year’s bitterly contested campaign.

The scene resembled the massive gatherings that broke out Nov. 22, 2004, to
protest fraud in an election that Yushchenko purportedly lost. The gatherings,
which swelled above 100,000 at times, lasted until Yushchenko was inaugurated
in late January, having won a rerun of the election after the initial results were
annulled by the Supreme Court.

Snow fell heavily on the crowds, bundled up in scarves of orange as they
stood in Independence Square, listening to an array of pop groups and
waiting for Yushchenko to make a speech.

Chants of “Yushchenko! Yushchenko!” greeted the president, as he stepped
onto the stage surrounded by his family, all bedecked in orange.

“Let all the disappointed remember why we stood here a year ago … not for
salaries, pensions or a piece of sausage, not even for the person whom we
made a president – but for freedom,” Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko, one
of the leaders of last year’s revolution, told the crowd.

Lutsenko and other speakers called on all members of the former Orange
Team to put aside quarrels and problems and reunite ahead of the March
parliamentary election.

Yushchenko, who defeated Kremlin-favored Viktor Yanukovych, promised
to bring Ukraine closer to the West and restore trust in this ex-Soviet
republic’s government. But a corruption scandal that touched some of his
most senior aides earlier this year has left many Ukrainians feeling
disenchanted.

“They didn’t justify people’s hopes, that’s true, but we do have more
democracy now,” said school teacher Iryna Rytikova, who held an orange
balloon.

Yushchenko’s party representatives handed out orange scarves in
Independence Square earlier in the day, and a huge screen showed videos
from last year’s revolution.

Speaker after speaker promised to uphold the ideals of last year’s protests,
but the square did not fully come alive until the arrival of Yushchenko’s
one-time Orange Revolution ally and now-rival Yulia Tymoshenko.

With a roaring greeting, the heroine of last year’s revolution – who became
prime minister but was fired by Yushchenko in September – urged her former
allies to reunite to prevent the losing presidential candidate, Viktor
Yanukovych, from returning to power in March parliamentary elections.

“We thought the revolution was a fight we’d win at once, but it turned out
to be only the first assault,” Tymoshenko said, wearing just a hint of
orange on her ivory coat.

Yushchenko, whose speech followed Tymoshenko’s, greeted his one-time
ally with a kiss on the cheek.

But when the crowd broke into chants of “Yulia” as Yushchenko began
speaking, he stopped and said: “Keep chanting ‘Yulia’ again, I will listen
then I will start my speech.” When they persisted in chanting her name,
Yushchenko snapped: “Be polite” and the crowd grew silent.

Many in the crowd had hoped for a reconciliation between the one-time
allies. But after Tymoshenko used her time to make what sounded like a
political stump speech, Yushchenko responded by criticizing how she
had run the government. Tymoshenko stood behind him, her arms
crossed. She appeared to be crying. -30-
——————————————————————————————-
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13. HOW UKRAINE ‘VERGED ON CIVIL WAR’

By Olexiy Solohubenko, BBC News, Kiev
BBC NEWS, United Kingdom, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

A year after Ukraine’s “Orange Revolution” swept Viktor Yushchenko into
power new evidence has come to light about how tense the stand-off really
was.

Former officers of Ukraine’s secret service, the SBU, told the BBC that
bloodshed had been avoided at the last minute.

They said fully armed troops were first ordered to confront the
demonstrators in Kiev’s Independence Square but were then dramatically
told to go back to barracks 20 minutes later.

The then SBU head, Gen Ihor Smeshko, for the first time went public,
saying that civil war had been avoided only after intense negotiations
between representatives of the old cabinet of President Leonid Kuchma,
key figures in the opposition and several ambassadors.

Gen Smeshko said he had had to give a personal pledge that government
buildings would not be seized by the demonstrators, and only after this the
troops were ordered to withdraw by Ukraine’s interior minister. “There were
hot heads on both sides who would stop at nothing in order to seize power,”
Gen Smeshko said.

He added that the biggest threat was not in some extremist groups trying to
seize or buy weapons, but in the real possibility of the conflict between
supporters of Mr Yushchenko and then Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych
spilling into the army and security services.

NEW POLITICAL TEST

A year after those dramatic events and just four months before parliamentary
elections, the party of the defeated Mr Yanukovych is leading in some
opinion polls.

Splits in the administration between President Yushchenko and the
charismatic former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko are destroying their
ratings and give Mr Yanukovych a chance to lead the government after the
May poll.

Officials close to Mr Yanukovych have privately told the BBC that he is
talking to the president every week. Mr Yushchenko’s chief-of-staff does
not deny this, but says it is normal practice.

All these revelations will dismay not only supporters of the “Orange
Revolution” but also numerous pundits in Ukraine and in the West, who
had dismissed Mr Yanukovych after he dramatically lost the vote last year.

Once again, Ukraine is unfinished business and the ability of Ukrainians to
reach a compromise and avoid confrontation is going through a serious test.
As campaigning gets under way again the country of 48 million remains
deeply split. -30-
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LINK: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4459876.stm
——————————————————————————————-
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14. THE RING’S LOSS, UKRAINE’S GAIN
Vitali Klitschko, the WBC heavyweight champion of the world

COMMENTARY: By Gordon Marino
Financial Times, London, United Kingdom, Tue, Nov 22, 2005

The first time I met Mike Tyson he erupted and physically threatened a
fellow reporter. In my naiveté, I told him, “Stop degrading yourself, Mike.
What would Cus have thought of that?”

Mention of Cus D’Amato, Tyson’s legendary trainer, might have caught him
with his emotional guard down, because a few minutes later he whispered,
“It’s all about putting fannies in the seats.”

“You’re a great fighter,” I protested, “and don’t need to do that kind of
thing.” The former champ laughed, rolled his shoulders and quipped,
“You’d be surprised.”

Tyson was right, a boxer has to put on a sideshow in order to command
attention, at least in the US. Witness the case of Vitali Klitschko, the WBC
heavyweight champion of the world who has just retired on account of
repetitive knee and back injuries.

Despite the fact that the Ukrainian holds a doctorate, speaks four
languages, and was the most politically active boxer this side of Muhammad
Ali, the 34 year old Klitschko never captured the imagination of US fight
fans.

Tabbed Doctor Iron Fist, the 6’7″ boxer who was an important figure in
support of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, had a record of 35 victories.
Remarkably all but one win came by way of knock out. A devastating puncher,
Klitschko’s height and crab like movements, developed in his former career
as a world champion kick boxer, rendered him very difficult to hit.

Klitschko, whose younger brother, Wladimir (who also holds a doctorate) is a
top heavyweight contender, was the pugilist who sent champion Lennox Lewis
into retirement. In their 2003 encounter, Klitschko staggered Lewis with
right hands and was ahead on points when the bout was stopped due to a
severe laceration over Klitschko’s left eye.

In his only other defeat, he was giving Chris Byrd a drubbing when Klitschko
tore his rotator cuff in the seventh round. Blind with pain and unable to
lift his arm, he threw in the towel after round nine.

The doyen of boxing commentators, Larry Merchant, who has since retracted
his comment, snapped that Klitschko lacked a certain part of the male
anatomy. Ominously enough, given the recent death of Leavander Johnson,
Merchant would later explain that Americans expect their heavyweights to be
willing to die in the ring.

As perceptive as he is powerful, Klitschko was profoundly puzzled by the
idea that US boxing fans would consider him a softie. And yet, as Merchant
himself acknowledged, “Vitali quickly learned to fight in an all or nothing
style.”

After Lewis retired, Klitschko knocked out the power punching Corrie Sanders
to become WBC champ. He defended his title once, halting Danny Williams in
November 2004.

A showdown with top heavyweight contender Hasim Rahman was in the offing
but had to be postponed three times because of injuries Klitschko incurred in
training. Alas, the long awaited bout was set for November 12th. Klitschko
stood to earn in excess of US$7m dollars and Rahman more than US$4m.

However, toward the end of his training camp, Klitschko twisted his knee
which made the pivot required for punching impossible. Surgery was necessary
and rather than tie up the heavyweight division for another six months to a
year, Klitschko stepped aside at the very pinnacle of his powers.

Klitschko was actually not born in Ukraine but in Belovodsk, Kyrgyzstan, and
lists as his home towns Los Angeles, California and, in Germany, Hamburg.
Last March in New York, the influential Ukrainian Institute of America
honored he and his brother as Persons of the Year.

It was not just their stand in the Ukraine that ensured the award. They were
also involved in philanthropic efforts, including work for Unesco, anti-drug
campaigns, and helping to rebuild Kiev’s St. Michael’s cathedral, leveled by
Stalin.

Hundreds of well-heeled children of the Ukrainian diaspora were at the
awards dinner, scant few of these mostly suburbanites ardent boxing fans.
Yet, I got the strong sense that they do not miss a Klitschko bout.

When he stepped to the rostrum to accept his award, (his younger brother was
in Germany on a visit with Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko) the throng
broke out into the chant that always resonates ringside at their bouts:
“Klitsch–ko, Klitsch–ko, Klitsch–ko”.

He smiled, thanked the gathering and began his speech on the future of
Ukraine. After a few minutes, Vasal Kavatsiuk, the editor of the US and
Canadian Ukrainian-community newspaper Svoboda, whispered to me,
“And to think that he only learned Ukrainian a few years ago.”

Kavatsiuk went on to say that the brothers are like Schwarzenegger in two
parts: Vitali is the politician, Wladimir, the actor.

Another guest ribbed me, “You are looking at the next president of Ukraine.”
“Really?” I reacted in surprise. “Only kidding,” he answered, paused and
then added, “Make that half kidding. Give him ten years.”

He may already be on the way. Klitschko is running for mayor of Kiev next
year. -30-
———————————————————————————————–
Gordon Marino, a former boxer, is a professor of philosophy at St. Olaf
College in Northfield, Minnesota.
——————————————————————————————-
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
15. UKRAINIAN ARTIST HNIZDOVSKY: OF MEN AND BEASTS
Lviv residents fulfill Yakiv Hnizdovsky’s last request 20 years later

By Iryna YEHOROVA, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

When the urn with Yakiv Hnizdovsky’s ashes finally reached the land of
Ukraine, a number of people heaved a sigh of relief; they had fulfilled the
last request of an artist whose creative legacy (unlike his soul, and now
his ashes) mostly does not belong to Ukraine-and, unfortunately, most
likely never will.

US Ambassador to Ukraine John Herbst says that Hnizdovsky’s works
are a valuable part of the collections of the finest American museums,
particularly the National Museum of American Art, Boston’s Museum
of Fine Arts, and the White House collection.

Every day Herbst passes six of his canvases that hang in his office, and
they inspire him with a sense of universal harmony that each of us hopes
for.

In fact, Herbst was responsible for making the arrangements for the
urn to be transferred from the columbarium of the Episcopal Cathedral
of St. John the Divine in New York City to Lychakiv Cemetery in Lviv.

Diplomatic negotiations, correspondence, and red tape took 20 years.
“Do you think it was easy?” This question was addressed to me by
Roman Ferentsevych, who was a friend of the artist for 35 years and
who also helped in the efforts to transfer his remains to Ukraine.

But does Ukraine know Hnizdovsky?

Yakiv Hnizdovsky was born on Jan. 27, 1915, in Pylypche, a village in
Ternopil oblast. His talent for drawing was apparent when he was still in
grade school; in those days he did small sketches of people, landscapes,
and domestic animals.

In 1933 Hnizdovsky moved to Lviv and began taking active part in the
city’s artistic life, joining the youth wing of the Association of
Independent Ukrainian Artists (ANUM).

Edward Kozak, an excellent cartoonist, arranged for him to do illustrations
for the Lviv newspaper Novy chas (New Time) and the magazine Komar
(The Mosquito).

The young graphic artist’s talent was appreciated by Metropolitan Andrey
Sheptytsky, a philanthropist and keen expert on the arts. He gave
Hnizdovsky a scholarship, so that he could continue to study art.

In 1949 Hnizdovsky moved to the United States, where his first step on the
road to success was an award for a woodcut displayed at an exhibit of
graphics at the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. Another award for a painting
shown at a trade and industrial exhibit in Minnesota prompted him to move
to New York and concentrate on art.

He experimented for many years, searching for his own style. The life of an
immigrant was not easy, nor the road to recognition.

His quest for a leitmotif took a long time, until Hnizdovsky discovered the
beauty of ordinary things. From then on flora and fauna were predominant
in his creative work, in which portraits and landscapes figured very rarely.

The last exhibit of Hnizdovsky works, currently on display at the National
Museum in Lviv, includes works from the National Museum of Ukraine,
National Museum of Lviv, and the Ternopil Local History and Art museums
to which the artist’s family in the faraway Diaspora kindly contributed his
works.

Although a great many institutions helped to organize the exhibit, it is not
large enough. Ukraine is only starting to learn about Hnizdovsky. -30-
—————————————————————————————–
LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/153033/
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
========================================================
16. ANNUAL ST. PATRICK’S CATHEDRAL UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
COMMEMORATION ATTRACTS THOUSANDS

Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
New York, New York, Monday, November 21, 2005

NEW YORK – The annual national observance to commemorate the 72nd
Anniversary of the Ukrainian Genocide was held on Saturday, November 19,
2005 at St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York City.

The program began with a moving introduction by His Eminence Antony of the
Ukrainian Orthodox Church, where he described the recollections of an
elderly Genocide survivor and her guilt of having survived such an atrocity
and how necessary it is to inform everyone about the atrocities in Ukraine
in 1932-1933.

“Not only did her children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren,” exclaimed
His Eminence, “but also her fellow parishioners, her neighbors, her
community, all became abundantly aware of not only how precious and holy
God-given life is, but also how easily people can be led astray, how easily
they can succumb to the demagoguery of one considered to be a “great”
leader, how easily the life – in particular the life of those not in favor –
can be devalued.”

Cardinal Egan of the New York Roman Catholic Archdiocese also paid homage to
the victims of the Ukrainian Genocide. He greeted the gathering and
informed them that St. Patrick’s Cathedral “is welcome to all to commemorate
this tragedy of the Ukrainian people.”

Following the inspiring remarks by Cardinal Egan, His Excellency Basil
Losten of the Ukrainian Catholic Church and His Eminence Antony then
proceeded to co-celebrate an ecumenical requiem service (panakhyda) for the
repose of the souls of the Genocide victims. The Dumka Chorus of New York,
under the direction of Vasyl Hrechinsky, sang responses to the sacred
service.

Following the requiem prayer, Michael Sawkiw, Jr., President of the
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, provided brief introductory
remarks. “It came at a time of no known natural calamity, pestilence, or
drought,” stated Mr. Sawkiw. “It came at a time of ‘supposed’ peace between
the two world wars.But it also came at a time of subjugation of a tyrannical
empire over the freedom-loving Ukrainian nation – a genocide was born.”

Amb. Valeriy Kuchinksy, Ukraine’s Permanent Representative to the United
Nations delivered remarks from the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.
In his address to those gathered, the Ukrainian President expressed “special
words of gratitude to the American nation, which was the first to recognize
the terrible consequences of the Holodomor of 1932-1933. I hope that this
tragedy will be recognized also by the entire international community.”

The former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Hennadiy Udovenko also
participated in the program and spoke to those gathered at St. Patrick’s
Cathedral. He mentioned the first anniversary of the “Orange Revolution”
and how the Ukrainian nation awoke to become masters of their own fate.

Much like President Yushchenko, the Honorable Hennadiy Udovenko cordially
thanked “the Ukrainian Diaspora in the United States for their strong
position to attract U.S. and worldwide attention to this awful tragedy of
the Ukrainian people.”

President George Bush also sent greetings to the annual commemorative event.
The UCCA President read the greetings in its full text to the gathering.

Following the presidential greeting, Mr. Sawkiw informed those assembled
that days earlier, the House of Representatives unanimously adopted a bill
authorizing the construction of a monument on federal land in the District
of Columbia to the victims of the Ukrainian Genocide, to be constructed by
2008 – the 75th Anniversary of the Ukrainian Genocide.

He then proceeded to read a few remarks offered by Rep. Sander Levin (D-MI),
co-chair of the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, and sponsor of HR562, a bill
authorizing the construction of a monument in Washington, DC. “This
legislation is important for all of humanity,” stated Rep. Levin in his
remarks on the House floor. “It is very important to the 1.5 million
Ukrainian Americans.it has special meaning to the people of Ukraine who have
embarked on a courageous effort to build a free, democratic, open society,
and indeed to all of us who value freedom.”

Of particular interest were remarks delivered by Mr. Nigel Colley,
grandnephew of Gareth Jones, a Western journalist who exposed the true
nature of the genocidal famine in Ukraine in 1932-1933. “To the list of the
millions of Ukrainian peasants who lost their lives due to Stalin’s man-made
famine,” Mr. Colley stated, “the name of the only Welshman, my great uncle,
Gareth Jones should perhaps now be added.

Newly discovered evidence at the British Public Records Office points the
finger of blame for Gareth’s murder in 1935 in the direction of Moscow,
quite probably in retribution for his international exposure of the
Holodomor. and whose only crime was his dogged pursuit of truth.” Mr.
Colley continued to describe episodes of Gareth Jones’ travels throughout
Ukraine and how he witnessed and documented the Genocide.

Michael Bloomberg, Mayor of the City of New York, also issued an Executive
Proclamation in remembrance of the victims of the Ukrainian Genocide.
Excerpts from the text were read by Mr. Sawkiw.

His Excellency Basil Losten concluded the commemorative ceremony by
thanking all the participants and expressing his hope that the world shall never
forget about the horrors the Ukrainian nation suffered because of who they
were. “A Prayer for Ukraine” was sung by the Dumka Chorus to close the
program. -30-
——————————————————————————————-
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========================================================
17. A GIFT FROM AMERICA
Jackson-Vanik amendment repealed by half

By Serhiy SOLODKY, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

US has made a present to Ukraine. Even if being half of what it could have
been, this kind of support extended to Kyiv is noteworthy. The US Senate
unanimously voted for the repeal of the Jackson-Vanik amendment last
weekend. The next step is action by the House of Representatives and
finally the US President’s signature.

Few if any doubt that the senators’ initiative will be supported on both
levels. It is just a matter of time. The more so that the US
parliamentarians have had ample opportunity to weigh the pros and cons.

The Jackson-Vanik amendment was included in the 1974 Trade Act to
pressure the Soviet Union to permit free emigration, using punitive foreign
trade tariffs and taxes. However, neither the USSR’s collapse nor Ukraine’s
independence could make Congress change its attitude.

With the coming of political forces to power in Ukraine that are treated in
a marked friendly manner by Washington, one would expect the amendment
to be repealed there and then. We still vividly remember the US
parliamentarians giving a standing ovation after Viktor Yushchenko’s speech
on April 6 this year. And how US congressmen applauded in response to
the Ukrainian president’s appeal for cancellation of the Jackson-Vanik
amendment: “… take this step toward Ukraine, break down this wall.”

True, the amendment as such had long been on paper only and Congress
would renew it every year for another year as proposed by the White House.
This fact was even more perplexing because the amendment remaining formally
effective meant not so much that the US parliamentarians somehow never got
around to making the required decision, as that making the decision had to
do with other issues.

US Ambassador John Herbst told The Day on July 5 that Ukraine, of course,
had many friends in Congress. A great many of them wanted the amendment
repealed, but there were other interests to be kept in mind. He cited the US
legislative practice whereby an amendment would be repealed several weeks
prior to a given country being admitted to the WTO. Ukraine’s WTO
membership in the near future is not on the agenda.

Then why did Congress make the decision? Maybe they decided to make
Ukraine an exception from the rule, the more so that the decision coincided
in time with the first anniversary of the Orange Revolution. Needless to
say,
Kyiv accepted this present with gratification.

The Ukrainian foreign ministry stressed that “It is a long-awaited measure
that removes a problem from the Ukrainian-US agenda as a hangover of the
cold war that did not conform to the spirit of Ukrainian- American strategic
partnership.” It is possible that the positive decision was facilitated by
the Ukrainian government’s active endeavors.

A coalition of sorts formed in the US recently, made up of former US
ambassadors Stephen Pifer and William Miller. Among other things they
worked on repealing the amendment. Until recently experts noted the
absence of a strong lobby support in the US, but it then appeared as an
ex-ambassadorial alliance.

After all, the West (the US in particular) had to prove their support of
reforms in Ukraine by practical deeds. If not demonstrated on a level such
as repealing the amendment, it would be hard to discuss any other projects
on a larger scale.

The Day asked former US Congressman John B. CONLAN, currently
President of Conlan & Associates LLC, doing investment consulting in
Kyiv.

[Q] Is it possible that the House of Representatives will automatically
support the repeal of the Jackson-Vanik amendment?

[A] It should. I don’t know if they legislate this week. This Thursday is
Thanksgiving, so the congressmen will go home for vacation and there will
be no meetings. I was originally co-sponsor of the Jackson-Vanik convent
bill.

I agree that it should be repealed. It has no effect right now because year
by year the president is suspending the enforcement of that bill. But
psychologically it’s nice to have it permanently removed.

[Q] Why didn’t they do so earlier?

[A] Because the Ukraine’s government had no effective lobbying operation
in Washington. They think if they just go and give the speech that’s all
that
is necessary. The congressmen have hundreds of bills and proposals to
work on. Until now there wasn’t any organized push by the Ukrainian side.
There’s been strong support for Ukraine in America.

The problem is the Rada. They don’t pass any WTO legislation, they don’t
pass any anti-corruption laws. What kind of a message does this send to the
world?

[Q] One could describe the Senate’s decision as a gift for Ukraine on the
eve of the first anniversary of the Orange Revolution.

[A] Sure. It’s in sense a vote of confidence in the government and the
direction the people and the national government are taking here. The
changes in Ukraine are positive, but they need to go faster. There is many
more changes are needed to bring Ukraine’s government into the twenty-
first century.

I think that the investment climate in Ukraine is now much better compared
to what we had a year ago. I think everyone agrees with this. -30-
——————————————————————————————-
LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/153002/
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18. UKRAINE GRADUATED FROM JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT

The Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS (FJC)
Moscow & New York, Tuesday, November 22 2005

KIEV, Ukraine – After much petitioning by political leaders of Ukraine
and support on the part of international Jewish groups, Ukraine has finally
graduated out of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment [U.S. Senate only],
introduced in 1974 by the U.S. Government. This dated bill imposed
trade restrictions, linking trade to the willingness of Soviet-bloc countries
to permit Jews to emigrate.

On Friday, the Senate passed the vote on a bill introduced by Senator
Richard Lugar by unanimous consent. It will now proceed to consideration
by the House of Representatives.

While successive U.S. administrations have annually waived the Jackson-
Vanik requirements since the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, this latest
occurrence holds promise that Ukraine will become exempt from this
limiting amendment once and for all.

Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Azriel Chaikin noted on this occasion the great
importance of this development. “For the past 14 years, since the
unraveling of the U.S.S.R., Ukraine as a state has maintained a strong
record in allowing its Jews to pursue immigration, to wherever they
wanted and whenever they wished to go,” explained Rabbi Chaikin.

“As the Chief rabbi of Ukraine I congratulate the Ukrainian government on
this great achievement. We now hope our government will make similar
strides in the fight against anti-Semitism, xenophobia and national and
religious hatred,” added Ukraine’s Chief Rabbi.

Jewish groups, including the NCSJ Advocates on Behalf of Jews in
Russia, Ukraine, the Baltic States and Eurasia have been very involved in
a broad-ranging coalition that has been actively pushing for U.S. law-
makers to pass a bill that would graduate Ukraine from an edict deemed
to be redundant.

The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine, which concentrates its
efforts on advancing the life of Jewish communities across Ukraine, also
embraces what constitutes an important step in recognizing the significant
progress that has been made with respect to Jews of Ukraine, not to mention
the existence of religious freedom and upholding other values of democratic
society. -30-
——————————————————————————————-
LINK: http://www.fjc.ru/news/newsArticle.asp?AID=328797
——————————————————————————————-
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A Free, Not-for-profit, Independent, Public Service Newsletter
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————————————————————————————————
NOTE: The Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA) will be assisting
in the famine/holodomor/genocide commemorations in Kyiv during
November of this year. The Federation needs to raise several thousand
dollars for expenses related to the Holodomor Exhibition to be held in
the Ukrainian House. Donations can be made out to the Ukrainian
Federation of America and sent to the Federation at 930 Henrietta
Avenue, Huntingdon Valley, PA 19006. Please designate your donation
for the Dr. James Mace Memorial Holodomor Fund. EDITOR
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Ihor Gawdiak, President, Washington, D.C., New York, New York
11. U.S.-UKRAINE FOUNDATION (USUF), Nadia Komarnyckyj
McConnell, President; John Kun, Vice President/COO; Vera
Andruskiw, CPP Wash Project Director, Washington, D.C.; Markian
Bilynskyj, VP/Director of Field Operations; Marta Kolomayets, CPP
Kyiv Project Director, Kyiv, Ukraine. Web: http://www.USUkraine.org
12. WJ Grain, Kyiv, Ukraine, David Holpert, Chief Financial Officer,
Chicago, Illinois.
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 605

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

“Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World”

FREEDOM DAY IN UKRAINE
REVOLUTIONARIES TO SPEAK IN MAIDAN
A light morning snow has fallen in Kyiv
Freedom Day Rally will end with Victor Yushchenko’s speech
Tuesday, November 22, 2005

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” – Number 605
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
FROM: KYIV, UKRAINE, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 2005

——–INDEX OF ARTICLES——–
“Major International News Headlines and Articles”

1. REVOLUTIONARIES TO SPEAK IN MAIDAN
Freedom Day Rally will end with Victor Yushchenko’s speech
Press office of President Victor Yushchenko of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

2. UKRAINE ASSESSES ‘ORANGE’ YEAR
Economic woes, political battles have roiled the nation
since last year’s revolution.
By Fred Weir, Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor
The Christian Science Monitor, Boston, MA, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005

3. FANS, CRITICS, START DESCENDING ON UKRAINE’S
CAPITAL FOR ORANGE REVOLUTION ANNIVERSARY
By Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press, Monday, November 21, 2005

4. UKRAINE: SEVEN LESSONS FROM THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
FROM FORMER VICE PRIME MINISTER MYKOLA TOMENKO
URA-INFORM, Kyiv, Ukraine, November 21, 2005

5. UKRAINIAN WOMAN CAMPAIGNS FOR PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO
Korolyuk has become most recognizable veteran of the Orange Revolution
By Natasha Lisova, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

6. WHY ARE UKRAINIANS DISAPPOINTED WITH THE
ORANGE REVOLUTION?
By Jan Maksymiuk, Radio Free Europe/Radio Free Liberty (RFE/RL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Monday, November 21, 2005

7. UKRAINE CHERISHES ORANGE SOUNDS
By Kateryna Khinkulova, BBC News, Kiev
BBC News, United Kingdom, Monday, Nov 21, 2005

8. UKRAINE’S ‘ORANGE PRINCESS’ YULIA TYMOSHENKO
STILL A MAJOR POLITICAL FORCE
“In the economy, Tymoshenko is a communist,” Oleg Rybachuk,
Yushchenko’s chief of staff, told AFP.
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday Nov 20, 2005

9. UKRAINE: YUSHCHENKO SUFFERS DISENCHANTMENT A
YEAR AFTER ORANGE REVOLUTION
Reporter: Emma Griffiths, Australian Broadcasting Company (ABC)
Australia, Tuesday, 22 November, 2005

10. UKRAINIAN FORMER PRIME MINISTER YULIYA TYMOSHENKO
SAYS PRESIDENT ‘TOO WEAK’ TO CANCEL REFORM
INTERVIEW: With Former PM Yuliya Tymoshenko
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 21 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Nov 21, 2005

11. UKRAINIANS, GEORGIANS SEE FEW SOCIAL, ECONOMIC
IMPROVEMENTS AFTER REVOLUTIONS
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Monday, 21 November 2005

12. ‘ORANGE REVOLUTION’ A BLOW AND WAKE-UP
CALL FOR KREMLIN
Turkish Daily News, Sunday, Nov 20, 2005

13. BUSH ADMINISTRATION URGES US HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES ACTION ON UKRAINE TRADE STATUS
REUTERS, Washington, D.C., Monday, Nov 21, 2005

14. AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE: LIFTING JACKSON VANIK
WILL BOOST U.S.-UKRAINE RELATIONS
Urges U.S. House of Representatives to also vote in support
American Jewish Committee (AJC)
New York, New York, Monday, November 21, 2005

15. TOP RUSSIAN OFFICIAL “BEWILDERED” BY U.S. LIFTING
SOVIET-ERA CURB OFF UKRAINE
MosNews, Moscow, Russia, Monday, November 21, 2005

16. UKRAINE JACKSON-VANIK: LUGAR BILL PASSES U.S. SENATE
United States Senate, Washington, D.C., Friday, November 18, 2005

17. UKRAINIAN LAWMAKERS REFUSE TO RECONSIDER BILL
ON SCRAP-METAL EXPORTS, THOUGH NEEDED TO JOIN WTO
Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Friday, November 18, 2005

18. VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH TOPS UKRAINE’S POLLS
ANALYSIS: By Peter Lavelle, United Press International (UPI)
Moscow, Russia, Monday, November 21, 2005

19. HOLODOMOR EXHIBITION: THE FIGHT TO STAY ALIVE
What Ukrainians were forced to eat to defy death by hunger
By E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005

20. UKRAINE: STALIN DOCUMENT ‘SMOKING GUN’
Quebec professor says new data proves dictator’s genocide intent
By David O’Brien, Winnipeg Free Press
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, Sunday, November 20th, 2005

21. REQUIEM-SERVICE HELD AT NYC’S ST PATRICK CATHEDRAL
IN COMMEMORATION OF 1932-1933 FAMINE VICTIMS
Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005
========================================================
1
. REVOLUTIONARIES TO SPEAK IN MAIDAN
Freedom Day Rally will end with Victor Yushchenko’s speech

Press office of President Victor Yushchenko of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

KYIV – President Victor Yushchenko met with leaders of all political
forces that had taken part in the Orange Revolution to formulate a plan to
celebrate Freedom Day.

On November 22, they will all appear on the stage installed in Kyiv’s
Independence Square to address the people. The rally will end with Victor
Yushchenko’s speech.

It will last more than two hours (6 PM – 8:20 PM). The so-called field
commanders of the Orange Revolution, Roman Bezsmertny, Volodymyr
Filenko, Yuriy Lutsenko, Mykola Tomenko, and Taras Stetskiv will speak
first.

Then Yuriy Kostenko (Ukrainian People’s Party), Borys Tarasyuk (People’s
Movement of Ukraine), Victor Pynzenyk (Party of Reforms and Order),
Oleksiy Ivchenko (Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists), Volodymyr
Stretovych (Christian People’s Union), Vladislav Kaskiv (PORA), Anatoly
Matviyenko (Sobor), Anatoly Kinakh (Party of Industrialists and
Entrepreneurs of Ukraine), Oleksandr Moroz (Socialist Party of Ukraine),
Yuliya Tymoshenko (Bloc of Yuliya Tymoshenko) and Yuriy Yekhanurov
(People’s Union Our Ukraine) will make their statements. -30-
———————————————————————————————
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
2. UKRAINE ASSESSES ‘ORANGE’ YEAR
Economic woes, political battles have roiled the nation
since last year’s revolution.

By Fred Weir, Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor
The Christian Science Monitor, Boston, MA, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005

KIEV, UKRAINE – All through the election night of Nov. 21 the rumors
flew, by telephone, Internet, and word of mouth.

“People were saying, ‘The election has been stolen, the fraud is massive.’ “
recalls Maxym Savanevsky, an activist in last year’s Orange Revolution,
which shook Ukraine from its formerly docile, post-Soviet mold.

In the next morning’s cold dawn, as early returns seemed to put pro-
Moscow presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovich far in the lead, people
began streaming into Kiev’s central square, Maidan, to protest.

“Everyone had orange flags, scarves, ribbons,” says Mr. Savanevsky.
“Someone started putting up tents, and we knew it wasn’t going to be over
soon…. On that first night we feared the police would storm us. We’d never
confronted the authorities like this before.

“By the next day, people began arriving from the regions. More people than
I’ve ever seen,” he says. “It was then I thought: ‘Hey, this is a
revolution!’ “

Ukrainians are marking the first anniversary of their orange upheaval this
week with an odd mix of pride, disillusionment, and apprehension.

The tense weeks of protest, keeping the pressure on until opposition
candidate Viktor Yushchenko was overwhelmingly elected in fresh,
democratically run polls on Dec. 26, changed the country forever, says
Yaroslav Vedmid, another participant in the protests.

“No matter who comes to power in future, they will fear the peoples’ anger,”
he says. “People have learned that they can make change happen.”

But in recent months the revolution’s two leaders, Mr. Yushchenko and Yulia
Tymoshenko, have fallen out amid bitter mutual recriminations, causing a
deep split in the ruling orange coalition.

Under their management, Ukraine’s economic growth has plunged to 4 percent
this year from a bubbly 12 percent in 2004. A recent survey found 68 percent
of Ukrainians “disappointed” in current authorities. Meanwhile, the party of
the defeated Mr. Yanukovich, whom many accuse of rigging last year’s vote,
is in the lead for parliamentary polls expected to take place next March.

“The revolution raised society’s consciousness and created very high
expectations,” says Vadim Karasov, director of the independent Institute for
Global Strategy in Kiev. “Things have cooled off, and people now say they
are disillusioned, but this reflects the contrast between their hopes and
current reality. They still support the goals of the revolution, but perhaps
have lost faith in individual leaders.”

Last September, a leading official went public with allegations of massive
corruption within the president’s inner circle. Yushchenko responded by
firing the entire government, including the firebrand prime minister, Ms.
Tymoshenko, and brought in a Russian-born technocrat, Yuriy Yekhanurov.

The crisis stunned many Ukrainians. “The speeches of our leaders were what
raised our hopes and kept us going at times when we were fearful we might
lose,” says Mr. Vedmid. Tymoshenko declared her alliance with Yushchenko
“dissolved” and swore to run against his party in the parliamentary
elections.

Even more jolting for many was Yushchenko’s decision to do a deal with
Yanukovich’s party in order to win Mr. Yekhanurov’s parliamentary
ratification as prime minister. Among the concessions made, Yushchenko
pledged to drop an official investigation into last year’s electoral fraud.

Surveys also suggest that little has been done to heal the rift between
Ukraine’s Russian-speaking eastern regions, whose industries rely on trade
links with Russia, and the largely agricultural, Ukrainian-speaking west,
where many want economic integration with Europe.

A poll by the Ukrainian Institute of Social Research found that Yanukovich’s
Regions Party, which draws its strength from the east, is supported by 20
percent of committed voters. Tymoshenko’s had 13.8 percent support,
followed by Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine Party with 12.3 percent.

For some of last year’s revolutionaries, the disarray suggests a need for
ongoing grass-roots pressure. “We don’t trust the ruling circles,” says
Sergiy Yevtushenko, deputy chair of Pora, the student movement that
provided much of the determination and most of the round-the-clock
protesters. “They promised much, but aren’t necessarily ready to deliver.
They need a watchdog.”

Pora has split into two wings. One wants to remain a street-level pressure
group. The other hopes to transform itself into a political party in time to
contest the March elections. Both want their constituency – students – to
stay involved in political struggle.

“Most influenced by the revolution were youths; they were deeply shaped by
that moment of achieving freedom and fairness,” says Mr. Yevtushenko, who
intends to run for parliament. “Youths are the force who will be most active
in future in defending civic rights and deepening the democratic process.”

A sweeping constitutional compromise, which ended last year’s confrontation,
takes effect in January and could set the stage for fresh political crisis.
Under the deal, many former presidential powers will be handed to
parliament, including the right to name the prime minister and cabinet.

But, says Mr. Karasov, “no matter who wins the March elections, as long
as they are free and fair, it will testify that the main goal of the orange
revolution – democratization – was successfully achieved. Even if
Yanukovich became prime minister, he could never return Ukraine to
the past. We are already a different country.” -30-
———————————————————————————————–
LINK: http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/1122/p06s02-woeu.html
———————————————————————————————–
REPORTERS ON THE JOB: FRED WEIR

UKRAINIAN ROOTS: Correspondent Fred Weir was born in Canada, and
lives in Moscow, but his grandparents are Ukrainian. So he’s always had
a special interest in the country. But he adds, “I thank God my grandparents
had the wisdom to emigrate to Canada and avoid Ukraine in the 20th century.”

Still, what Fred saw and heard during his latest trip to Kiev was
encouraging.

“Ukraine has diverged from its Soviet past. It kept its parliamentary
democracy through the 1990s when so many former Soviet republics went
for strong presidents. For all the talk of disillusionment over the dashed
expectations of the Orange Revolution, it’s very clear now that the
political culture of Kiev is open, democratic, and above all, optimistic,”
he says.

“People talk freely and truly believe elections can change things,” Fred
says. “There’s a lot of excitement, as well as apprehension, over the March
elections. But people are involved in the civic and political life in a way that
they stopped being involved in Russia a decade ago. Something quite
different is happening there.” David Clark Scott, World editor
———————————————————————————————
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========================================================
3. FANS, CRITICS, START DESCENDING ON UKRAINE’S
CAPITAL FOR ORANGE REVOLUTION ANNIVERSARY

By Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press, Monday, November 21, 2005

KIEV, Ukraine – Supporters and critics of President Viktor Yushchenko began
descending Monday on the Ukrainian capital to mark the first anniversary of
the Orange Revolution amid complaints that he has not kept his promises.

Festivities were due to begin on Tuesday, but as workers put the finishing
touches on a giant stage on Independence Square, the curious, the supportive
and the angry began to gather.

“Last year’s revolution was about freedom, about standing up and being proud
of who we are,” said Oleksandr Samulyn, 35, who came with a large group from
western Ukraine, a pro-Yushchenko stronghold.

However, results from an opinion poll released Monday showed that 55 percent
of Ukrainians did not support having a big celebration to mark the start of
the massive protests of election fraud that helped usher Yushchenko into
power and became known as the Orange Revolution.

Disappointment has taken hold, and many complain that Yushchenko has not
lived up to his Independence Square pledges to fight corruption, restore
trust in the government and improve living standards after the decade-long
rule of his predecessor, Leonid Kuchma.

Yushchenko was elected in December in a repeat presidential election runoff
ordered by the Supreme Court.

Some veterans of last year’s pro-Yushchenko tent camps once again erected a
dozen of the structures on Independence Square, but this time as a sign of
protest.

“We wanted to stake out a place for the people because this should be our
chance to ask questions and the government to answer,” said Oleh Bondarenko,
35, who said he helped secure the opposition’s stage during last year’s
protests. “What went wrong?”

Oleksandr Chuprina, 23, a student from the central Ukrainian city of
Chernihiv, toured an exhibition that opened Monday of photographs taken
during last year’s mass rallies.

“I’m looking at the photos with tears in my eyes because they betrayed the
people’s dreams,” he said. “They dirtied their hands with corruption.”

Petro Poroshenko, a tycoon who was one of Yushchenko’s closest aides, told
The Associated Press on Monday that he understood the disappointment, but
insisted the Orange Revolution had resulted in some great achievements.

“The government is much more open now, and much more depends on people,”
said Poroshenko, who resigned from his powerful state security post in
September after being accused of corruption. The charges were later
dismissed.

Meanwhile, Yushchenko’s chief of staff ordered the metal barriers outside
the presidential administration to be opened Monday, a symbolic gesture as
this country prepares to mark the opposition movement’s anniversary.

“The gates are open,” said Oleh Rybachuk, ordering back riot police as
activists from the Pora youth movement massed outside.
The gates were opened by the new government in a similarly symbolic move
shortly after Yushchenko came to power, but were later closed again. The
government had blamed repair work. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
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4. UKRAINE: SEVEN LESSONS FROM THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
FROM FORMER VICE PRIME MINISTER MYKOLA TOMENKO

URA-INFORM, Kyiv, Ukraine, November 21, 2005

KYIV – Ex-vice Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko stated: “We stood in the
Maydan for the country to be proud of”.

According to Tomenko’s press service, in his today’s press conference
summing up the first Maydan’s anniversary he named the seven lessons of the
orange revolution.

The FIRST conclusion of the last year’s November, according to him, is the
fact that the revolution was made not by the politicians but the citizens of
Ukraine that gathered around the values and ideas.

“SECOND, the main aim of the revolution was changing of the country, its
ideology and power, and only then, election of the President, Tomenko noted.

THIRD, the last year confirmed that the authorities should be formed on the
basis of decency and professionalism, not devotedness and totalitarism,”
UNIAN communicates.

The FOURTH lesson, according to Tomenko, is the fact that the election
program and “the orange team” promises after the revolution are not just a
electoral promotion tool but the obligation to be fulfilled.

The FIFTH is the public policy and freedom of speech became the reality in
Ukraine that means publicity and responsibility of the new authority and all
politicians.

The SIXTH lesson of the revolution, according to Tomenko, showed that
without separation of the business from the authority it is no use to hope
for increase of trust to the Yushchenko’s team.

“And the SEVENTH lesson on the first anniversary of the revolution is the
following: the next election is not so much the test on the orange
revolution values support, as on the people’s trust to the revolution
leaders,” noted Tomenko. -30-
————————————————————————————————-
LINK: http://en.ura-inform.com/archive/?/2005/11/21/~/45952
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
5. UKRAINIAN WOMAN CAMPAIGNS FOR PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO
Korolyuk has become most recognizable veteran of the Orange Revolution

By Natasha Lisova, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

KIEV, Ukraine – When Praskoviya Korolyuk fought her way through a
crowd last fall to kiss Viktor Yushchenko’s hand, the politician didn’t
even notice her. A year later, the 66-year-old milkmaid is on a first-name
basis with the Ukrainian president.

Korolyuk has become the most recognizable veteran of the Orange
Revolution – the massive protests that erupted after a fraudulent
presidential election and forced a rerun that Yushchenko won.

She regularly captures headlines for her tireless travels around the country
to bolster support for Yushchenko, whose popularity has plummeted since
he came to power.

“She is a pure soul, very naive … she worries about Ukraine’s future so
sincerely,” said Yushchenko’s spokeswoman, Irina Gerashchenko.

Korolyuk, affectionally called Baba (Grandma) Paraska, says her adventure
began when reports of election fraud filtered into her village in the
western Ternopilsky region, where residents share one phone line. She left
her three grown daughters and hopped a train to Kiev, joining hundreds of
thousands of protesters in the capital.

“I felt sorry for him and pledged not come back home without victory for
him,” Korolyuk said in a recent interview, a tiny portrait of the president
pinned to her dress and her hair covered in a flowery orange scarf.

As the protests wore on, the demonstrators set up camp in downtown Kiev,
and Korolyuk spent her nights in a tent with 20 others, braving freezing
temperatures. “I almost did not feel cold and had no time to be sick,” she
said. “I rallied with young people and felt I am young.”

When Korolyuk wanted to get close to Yushchenko last year, she squeezed
between the legs of the crowd. These days, she marches right up to the big,
metal gates outside his offices and waits for a word with her hero, a tactic
that doesn’t always work.

After the Supreme Court annulled the vote and ordered the rerun, Korolyuk
remained in the tent camp on Kiev’s main avenue, staying there until
Yushchenko’s inauguration two months after the protests broke out.

In recent months the country became increasingly disillusioned with the new
president amid rising prices, slowing economic growth and corruption
scandals, Korolyuk came back to help.

She took her one-woman cheerleading show around the country, often catching
a night’s sleep on a railway station bench before heading into meetings with
regional leaders.

“Many of our politicians should follow the example of our revolution’s
symbol, Baba Paraska,” said Dnipropetrovsk Governor Mykola Shvets, who
welcomed her when she came to town.

Korolyuk is eager to unite the ruptured Orange Revolution team, which split
up in September when Yushchenko fired his prime minister, Yuliya Tymoshenko.

“I am even ready to spend the whole of my $120 pension to make small gifts
to all of them,” she said. Her main goal, though, is to keep alive the
revolution’s pro-democracy ideals. “I am ready to give my heart and health
for Yushchenko,” she said. “I just ask people to give him a little more
time.” -30-
————————————————————————————————
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========================================================
6. WHY ARE UKRAINIANS DISAPPOINTED WITH THE
ORANGE REVOLUTION?

By Jan Maksymiuk, Radio Free Europe/Radio Free Liberty (RFE/RL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Monday, November 21, 2005

Ukrainians are expected to converge on Kyiv’s Independence Square
(Maydan Nezalezhnosti) tomorrow (22 November) to mark the first
anniversary of the Orange Revolution, which installed Viktor Yushchenko
as Ukraine’s president.

One year ago, tens of thousands of people came to the square to protest
against what they saw as a rigged second election round in favor of
Yushchenko’s rival, then-Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych.

Weeks of peaceful protests in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities led to a
repeat runoff on 26 December, which was won by Yushchenko with 52
percent of the vote.

The Orange Revolution, which has drawn comparisons to the Solidarity
movement in Poland in the 1980s and the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia
in November 1989, was a time of immense social optimism and activism in
Ukraine. However, one year later a majority of Ukrainians say they are
disappointed with the current course of events in their country.

According to a poll taken earlier this month, more than half of Ukrainians
say the new government has failed to keep the promises that were made on
the square. Today just one in seven Ukrainians fully supports President
Yushchenko, compared to nearly 50 percent declaring such support shortly
after his inauguration in February.

What are the main reasons for this general disappointment?

FIRST, the Yushchenko government has failed to exploit the backing it
gained during the Orange Revolution to institute coherent reforms. Such
a scenario could have set Ukraine on a path of irreversible transformation
from the current oligarchic-capitalism system to a more market-oriented
economic model.

Instead, Yushchenko resorted to a populist and expensive increase in wages
and pensions, apparently to keep the electorate satisfied until the 2006
parliamentary elections. After several months of relative social
contentment, this move was followed by increased inflation and a rise in
costs of living.

At the same time, economic growth rate in Ukraine has slumped from 12
percent in 2004 to some 3 percent today. As a result, Ukrainians justifiably
view their economic prospects as bleak.

SECOND, Yushchenko has failed to fulfill his revolutionary pledge to
eradicate endemic corruption and “send all bandits to jail.” True, the
government has annulled more than 4,000 regulations in business
registration, which was a breeding ground for corrupt practices.

However, the general view is that corruption in Ukraine has remained no less
acute than it was during the reign of Yushchenko’s predecessor, Leonid
Kuchma. No senior official from Kuchma’s regime has been brought to court
on charges of corruption or abuse of office.

THIRD, Yushchenko was constrained to dismiss Prime Minister Yuliya
Tymoshenko’s cabinet in September, after some high-ranking government
officials accused several top presidential aides of corrupt practices.

The crisis served to severely damage the Yushchenko camp by fueling
arguments that the Orange Revolution was not so much a popular revolt as
a rebellion of pro-Yushchenko “millionaires” against pro-Yanukovych
“billionaires.”

FOURTH, Yushchenko made an ill-advised deal with Yanukovych in late
September to secure the approval of a new cabinet. In particular, Yushchenko
obliged himself to draft a bill on amnesty for those guilty of election
fraud in 2004.

In other words, Yushchenko not only reneged on his vow to “send all bandits
to jail,” but also undermined one of the primary motivations of those who
supported the Orange Revolution. Many of Yushchenko’s former supporters
and sympathizers were taken aback by this move, and some accused him of
“betraying” the revolution.

FIFTH, prior to the cabinet crisis in September, Yushchenko could hardly
be credited as a strong-willed and objective-driven leader. For example, he
involved himself in an embarrassing public argument with Tymoshenko
regarding the scale of reprivatization in Ukraine.

While the president wanted to review some 30 dubious privatizations, the
prime minister called for a much broader effort — saying their number must
be at least 3,000.

For several months Yushchenko also tolerated the existence of two “parallel
governments” in the country, one centered on Tymoshenko’s cabinet and
another on the National Security and Defense Council headed by Petro
Poroshenko. To resolve this controversy, he eventually dismissed both of
them.

SIXTH, there is also a growing feeling in Ukraine that Yushchenko came
to power with hardly any coherent or long-term
economic program. For many commentators this was illustrated by the
much publicized reprivatization of the Kryvorizhstal steel mill. In October,
the government sold Kryvorizhstal to a Dutch steel conglomerate for some
$4.8 billion — six times the amount Kuchma’s government received for it
in 2004.

Initially, Yushchenko said the money would be spent in the social sphere
to improve the lives of ordinary Ukrainians. However, he recanted on this
promise and announced that the sum would be primarily invested in
Ukrainian industries. Meanwhile, lawmakers have reportedly drafted no
fewer than 20 bills on how to spend the Kryvorizhstal windfall.

This seems to indicate that decision makers in Ukraine remain fairly
confused regarding the country’s development priorities or economic
course after the Orange Revolution.

For most Ukrainians, the above-mentioned drawbacks of the
postrevolutionary government in Ukraine seem to outweigh the benefits
that derived from Yushchenko’s coming to power.

This is unfortunate, as it is difficult to ignore or to discredit the
accomplishments of the Orange Revolution.

FIRST, Ukrainian media now operate in an incomparably freer environment
than they did during the Kuchma era.

SECOND, the Orange Revolution has given rise to vibrant civic activism,
pulling Ukrainians out of the public passivity that is characteristic of
many post-Soviet societies.

And THIRD, the Orange Revolution has introduced a political reform that
will soon transform the country into a parliamentary-presidential
republic — that is, objectively a more democratic political system than most
post-Soviet governments.

It is these achievements that should be most remembered on Independence
Square on 22 November. -30-
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http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/11/0C50EE37-AC34-4135-8755-4508B3B25605.html
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7. UKRAINE CHERISHES ORANGE SOUNDS

By Kateryna Khinkulova, BBC News, Kiev
BBC News, United Kingdom, Monday, Nov 21, 2005

KIEV – When sub-zero temperatures tested the endurance of the Orange
Revolution crowds in Kiev a year ago the country’s rock bands came to
the rescue, performing almost non-stop.

The revolution not only surprised the West – it was also quite a shock
for Ukrainians, who could not believe they had the power to mass on
the streets and fight for what they thought was right.

A stage was erected on Independence Square – known as Maidan in
Ukrainian – in the centre of Kiev and a tent city mushroomed around it.
The crowds demanded a re-run of the widely criticised presidential
election, which had denied liberal candidate Viktor Yushchenko
victory.

Vopli Vidopliasova, Okean Elzy and TNMK were just a few of the top
Ukrainian bands who roused the crowds with their music.
ORANGE GLOW
TNMK – which stands for Tanok Na Maidani Kongo (Dance in the Square
of Congo) – have been bringing an alternative style of music to the
Ukrainian mainstream since 1997. They rapped in Independence Square
about pomaranchi (oranges), using a sample of Viktor Yushchenko’s voice.

The word “Ukrainians!” punctuated the song: “This is non-human, non-
freedom, non-pleasure / This is non-love, not something-to-treasure. /
Ribbons of orange, the colour we chose / Keep it up, people, victory’s
close!”

Mr Yushchenko’s campaign slogan Tak! (Yes) became the motto of
the uprising.

Amid widespread disillusionment in Ukraine now, a year after the Orange
Revolution, TNMK singer Oleg Mykhailuta says the “those who won the
elections underestimate the role of the musicians – they don’t really
understand how much musicians contributed to their victory.”

TNMK’s DJ, Tonique, says the Maidan’s great achievement was to make
ordinary people believe they could influence political processes in Ukraine.

“People now perceive the future in a completely different way. A year ago
this process started and, probably, to change people completely will take a
long time, but it means that Ukraine will keep getting better.”
BUSINESS WOES
The revolution’s impact on the Ukrainian music industry and pop scene
not been dramatic, but still significant.

A music producer, Vitaly Bardetsky, manager of the Prom-Ocean agency,
says the amount of Ukrainian music broadcast has increased, compared
with the much more common Russian pop.

“We hear more Ukrainian music on TV and radio, which is very important. It
should help our musicians to make more money from record sales and from
gigs.”

Many new bands appeared in Ukraine in the early 1990s, after the collapse
of the Soviet Union. But in the past eight years things have slowed down,
partly because of the general economic malaise, with record companies
reluctant to invest in new musicians.

There is also a problem with piracy, complains Dmytro Prykordonny of
Ukraine’s largest record company, Ukrainian Records.

“What makes the Ukrainian music industry different is the fact that here we
have 80% piracy and in Europe it’s 20%. Another thing is that in Europe a
music CD costs on average 12-13 dollars, while here it’s four. So it’s easy
to see how hard it is to do business here.”

Ukrainian musicians are hardly known in the West, but TNMK is among
those trying to change that. Last year they recorded their hit “Voseny” (In
Autumn) in French and now plan to record some of the songs from their
new album in English.

TNMK’s Oleg Mykhailuta has no regrets about the Orange Revolution.
“We were fighting for hope. Did we make history or not? Hard for me to
say: time will tell.” -30-
——————————————————————————————-
LINK: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4456858.stm

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8. UKRAINE’S ‘ORANGE PRINCESS’ YULIA TYMOSHENKO
STILL A MAJOR POLITICAL FORCE
“In the economy, Tymoshenko is a communist,” Oleg Rybachuk,
Yushchenko’s chief of staff, told AFP.

Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday Nov 20, 2005

KIEV – With her trademark braid, good looks, iron will and charisma, “orange
revolution” heroine Yulia Tymoshenko remains a powerful political force in
Ukraine nearly three months after being sacked as prime minister.

Her dismissal by President Viktor Yushchenko may have split the revolution’s
dream team, but failed to dent the ratings of Ukraine’s most colorful
personality whose political bloc is among the top three contenders to win a
crucial parliamentary election next March.

“She was, is and always will be a serious player,” said Vadim Karasyov, a
political analyst in Kiev. “She is trying to create a myth of a Ukrainian
political Joan of Arc,” he said. “A young woman against a corrupt, male,
macho political elite. And all this makes her accessible, recognizable, and
loved by many in society.”

The businesswoman-turned-politician attracts frenzied media attention in her
homeland — the crowd of reporters who showed up for her daughter’s
wedding in early October rivaled those during the “orange revolution”
protests.

Critics say the media spotlight is a result of savvy self-marketing.
Tymoshenko says it’s because her life at times resembles a soap opera.

“Maybe because I’ve travelled such a hard road … that elicits people’s
interest … and many people want to see how the film ends,” she told AFP
in an interview.

The life of the 44-year-old could indeed be the stuff of a novel — born in
the pro-Moscow, Russian speaking Ukrainian east, her base of support is
in the nationalist, Ukrainian-speaking west of the country.

Having risen to the heights of, and made a lot of money in, Ukraine’s
notoriously corrupt energy sector in the mid 1990s, she received laurels for
reforming it as deputy prime minister in 2000.

Her opposition credentials to the former regime were cemented after she
spent some 40 days in jail on what she said were fabricated charges
following her firing from the government in 2001.

Her discipline and willpower have earned her the nickname Ukraine’s “Iron
Lady”, and her stylishness “Lady Yu”. Her monicker of “gas princess” earned
during her time in the energy sector turned into “orange princess” during
last year’s protests. Most of the time, she is known simply as “Yulia”.

Her hair is always impeccably coiffed, her nails manicured, her fashionable
outfits — among her favorite marks is Louis Vuitton — chosen to a tee, and
her responses to journalists carefully prepared.

Even her enemies admit to her intellect, shrewdness and a legendary capacity
for work — during her premiership she was rumored to have at times slept in
her office.

But while Tymoshenko says her sole motivation is reforming Ukraine, critics
charge that she is driven by a thirst for power, and investors are wary of
her populist leanings and an aggressive stance on reviewing questionable
privatizations conducted under the former regime.

“In the economy, Tymoshenko is a communist,” Oleg Rybachuk,
Yushchenko’s chief of staff, told AFP. “She is a very firm manager, a
strong administrator, a one-woman show in the economy … a populist.”

Most analysts, and Yushchenko following her firing, blamed the policies of
her government for Ukraine’s significant economic slowdown this year — the
economy is expected to grow only by 3.8 percent, compared with 12.1 percent
in 2004 — and warn of a similar trend should she become prime minister
again after a parliamentary election next March.

“Western investors look at the dismissal of Tymoshenko as a step away from
the ‘orange revolution,’ toward normality … so I think that any sign of
bringing Tymoshenko back into the government … would send a signal that
Yushchenko was taking a step backward rather than a step forward,” said
Roland Nash, head of research with Renaissance Capital brokerage.
——————————————————————————————-
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9. UKRAINE: YUSHCHENKO SUFFERS DISENCHANTMENT A
YEAR AFTER ORANGE REVOLUTION

Reporter: Emma Griffiths, Australian Broadcasting Company (ABC)
Australia, Tuesday, 22 November, 2005

TONY EASTLEY: Today marks the anniversary of the beginning of
Ukraine’s orange revolution. A year ago, protestors filled the streets of
the capital, Kiev, calling for political change.

But the dream has begun to sour. The followers of President Viktor
Yushchenko are disenchanted and the President himself, pockmarked
and scarred after his bizarre brush with dioxin poisoning, is depressed.

Moscow Correspondent Emma Griffiths reports.

EMMA GRIFFITHS: Since the euphoria of the orange revolution it’s
been a downhill slide for Ukraine’s President Viktor Yushchenko.

His popularity has taken a beating, he’s been embarrassed by the lavish
lifestyle of his son, and he’s sacked his entire government, marking a split
in his orange team.

This university student says Yushchenko has betrayed the sacred ideals
of truth and morality.

An old woman selling framed photos of Yushchenko’s political rival says
he wouldn’t have behaved the way he did if he thought more about Ukraine.

Viktor Yushchenko’s hero image is bruised, but according to one close
political confidante, it’s the scars and pock marks still riddling the
President’s face that cause him great personal grief.

Presidential Chief of Staff, Oleg Rybachuk.

OLEG RYBACHUK: Obviously what happened to him has depressive
effect, because he tells me privately that every time he looks into the mirror
he would like to cry, because he is. the way his face looks now, the kind
of problems he has.

EMMA GRIFFITHS: Mr Rybachuk says the President’s vital organs have
recovered from the severe dioxin poisoning he suffered during last year’s
presidential campaign. The doctors’ best guess about his skin is that it
will take several years to clear up.

There’s been little progress in the police inquiry into the poisoning. As
Oleg Rybachuk reveals, that’s because Ukraine’s Attorney-General never
even started a formal investigation. He’s now been sacked.

OLEG RYBACHUK: Actually, Yushchenko was never formally
interrogated as the victim of poisoning, so legally speaking his case was
not even registered.

Only on the ninth of November in accordance with legal procedures, Viktor
Yushchenko has submitted samples of his blood to expert (inaudible). Now
all those samples have been duly certified and delivered to three world
leading laboratories in three different countries of the world.

EMMA GRIFFITHS: At the time, Viktor Yushchenko claimed his political
enemies had tried to kill him. Nowadays it’s less certain exactly who they
are.Former allies have been sacked, and former enemies have been wooed.

The divide may become clearer in the next few months, as Ukrainians again
prepare to go to the polls. This time they’ll be voting for a new
Parliament, in an election seen as a test for both Ukraine’s President and
his orange ideals.

This is Emma Griffiths reporting for AM. -30-
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LINK: http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2005/s1513210.htm
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========================================================
10. UKRAINIAN FORMER PRIME MINISTER YULIYA TYMOSHENKO
SAYS PRESIDENT ‘TOO WEAK’ TO CANCEL REFORM

INTERVIEW: With Former PM Yuliya Tymoshenko
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 21 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Nov 21, 2005

Former Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko has said that President Viktor
Yushchenko and his team are too weak to abolish constitutional reform due
on 1 January 2006 which will cut presidential powers in favour of the prime
minister and parliament.

In an interview with a Ukrainian news agency, Tymoshenko insisted that a
new constitution should be passed through a nationwide referendum, as the
imminent constitutional changes were hastily approved to resolve the
deadlocked presidential election in 2004.

She said that local councillors’ immunity should be abolished and local
councils should be formed only by parties which get into parliament in order
to strengthen the central government’s role following the reform. The
following is an excerpt from the report by the Interfax-Ukraine news agency;
subheadings have been inserted editorially:

KIEV, 21 November: The leader of the Fatherland party and former prime
minister, Yuliya Tymoshenko, has said that it is necessary to pass a new
constitution, possibly through a referendum, after the 2006 [parliamentary]
election.

Tymoshenko said in an exclusive interview with Interfax-Ukraine: “All
changes to the constitution and amendments to the election law were made by
means of lobbying and compromise. Some lobbied while others then pictured
some kind of ugly compromise.”
CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM CRITICIZED
Tymoshenko harshly criticized the constitutional amendments due to come into
force from 1 January 2006, saying that the new structure of government is
“not a parliamentary model but a lack of any system”.

“The negative aspects include a lack of monitoring, a lack of responsibility
and concentration of power in one set of parliamentary hands,” Tymoshenko
said, adding that “several leaders of parties will simultaneously appoint
the executive, the chief prosecutor, the Accounting Chamber and the
leadership of the legislature”.

Tymoshenko described as a “pleasant aspect” the fact that “apart from
electing the president in a nationwide election, citizens will also be able
to elect the prime minister, as it is obvious that the political force which
will muster the majority of votes in the parliamentary election will form
the executive, the parliamentary majority and all other areas.

At the same time, Tymoshenko said that the prime minister will have a
limited influence on members of a coalition government.
“This is a unique situation when it is unclear in what way will the prime
minister lead her diverse team, as each minister will have several bosses.
This is primarily the party leader, and also, on the other hand, the speaker
of the Supreme Council [parliament].

The prime minister will come third as a minister’s supervisor, while the
president will occupy no place at all,” Tymoshenko said.
She added that after the election the main responsibility for the situation
in the country will rest with MPs who “will de facto manage the country on
an everyday basis”.

Tymoshenko did not rule out the possibility that the majority that will be
created after the election “may be created just to be created again in six
months’ time and to be created yet again in another six months’ time, which
will also entail changes in the government”.
LOCAL COUNCILLORS’ IMMUNITY MUST BE SCRAPPED
She also said that the outcome of holding local elections on a proportional
basis [on party lists], combined with local councillors’ immunity, may lead
to “Ukraine’s disintegration”.

“Parties of local importance may get into all local councils. On the other
hand, all those who will get there will have immunity, that is, they will be
immune to any actions by security structures. Third, there already exists
the experience of creating executive committees in regional and city
councils, which practically finalize the self-contained nature of this chain
of authority. What does this mean?

This means that there will remain virtually no central influence on local
governments, because a strong city council, district council and regional
council will put any governor and any head of a state district
administration in their place within three minutes’ time,” Tymoshenko said.

In this respect, she insisted on the abolition of local councillors’
immunity and on the return to the first-past-the-post system in local
elections, and “if this is impossible, on the formation of local councils
only by parties which overcome a [three-per-cent] barrier to the Supreme
Council”.

“I see with a sinking heart what will happen after this parliamentary
election if we fail to make at least elementary amendments to centralize
power,” Tymoshenko said.

But she expressed “absolute confidence” that political reform will come into
force on 1 January, “because the president and his team are too weak at
present to change so radically the course of political events and abolish
the reform”.

“Should the president have retained the unity of the team, society’s trust
would have been retained at a level it was during the revolution and there
would have been enough political will and strength to prove that this reform
was introduced not quite legally,” Tymoshenko said. [Passage omitted:
Tymoshenko insisted on a referendum on constitutional amendments.]
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========================================================
11. UKRAINIANS, GEORGIANS SEE FEW SOCIAL, ECONOMIC
IMPROVEMENTS AFTER REVOLUTIONS

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Monday, 21 November 2005

On 22 November, Ukrainians will mark the first anniversary of the Orange
Revolution. A day later is the second anniversary of Georgia’s Rose
Revolution. Presidents Mikheil Saakashvili of Georgia and Viktor Yushchenko
of Ukraine both rose to power on a combination of factors, including public
anger at rampant corruption in the then-ruling regimes.

But there are concerns that the new leaders in both countries have not done
enough to fight graft or to revive the stagnant economies. Ordinary citizens
seem somewhat disillusioned with their new leaders.

Prague, 21 November 2005 (RFE/RL) — Ukrainian President Viktor
Yushchenko has signed a decree making 22 November a public holiday.

Not everyone agrees with the idea. On 20 November, hundreds of leftists
rallied in Kyiv decrying the proposed Day of Freedom. They called for the
president’s resignation, saying he had sold the country out to the West.

The last year has not been smooth sailing for Ukraine.

President Yushchenko has said that nearly half of Ukraine’s economy
remains tied to “shadow” enterprises that fall outside government control
and contribute no state taxes.

In September, the government faced a political crisis, triggered by public
allegations of corruption in the presidential entourage and the sacking of
the cabinet of Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko.

Government officials under Tymoshenko — who many Ukrainians saw as
the heroine of the Orange Revolution — were accused of pursuing private
interests while implementing Ukraine’s new privatization program. But, for
many Ukrainians, the legality of their leaders’ financial activities is not
their biggest worry.

Andriy Bychenko, who heads the sociology department at the Oleskandr
Razumkov Center for Economic and Political Studies in Kyiv, says Ukrainians
are more concerned with the general state of the economy: “In the view of
the population, the main problem in Ukraine today is that the salaries and
pensions remain low while prices are going up.”

Bychenko says his department in August conducted an opinion poll that shows
most Ukrainians believe their economic situation has not improved since last
year’s Orange Revolution: “Twenty-one percent of our respondents think the
overall economic situation has improved, compared to 42 percent who believe
it has deteriorated.

Those who think their personal welfare has increased are 17 percent, while
39 percent think it has deteriorated. The rest either think there hasn’t
been any changes, or cannot answer.”

There are similar sentiments and concerns in Georgia.

On 23 November, Georgia will mark the second anniversary of the Rose
Revolution that toppled the government of former Soviet Politburo member
Eduard Shevardnadze.

Results of a study conducted in May by the U.S.-based InterMedia Survey
Institute show 66 percent of Georgians remain dissatisfied with the economy,
with more than half saying their life has not improved since the revolution.
The survey also shows Georgians’ primary concerns remain unemployment
and corruption.

Prime Minister Zurab Noghaideli has backed a number of controversial
decisions, including a move to ban street peddlers and collective taxis from
the center of Tbilisi and other Georgian cities. The ban triggered street
protests in a country where the unemployment rate is believed to have
soared past 30 percent.

Noghaideli said in August that budget constraints would force his cabinet to
postpone until next year the payment of wage arrears and the launching of a
relief program to help the poorest of Georgia’s 4 million residents.

Official statistics seem to give credence to popular concerns in Ukraine.
Government figures show Ukraine’s gross domestic product in August 2005
was lower than that in August 2004 — the first such decline since 1999.
Industrial production and investments have been steadily shrinking in the
past few months.

The Georgian economy has fared a little better. Noghaideli told journalists
in September that Georgia registered 7.5 percent economic growth in the
first half of 2005, compared to 6.2 percent in the corresponding period the
previous year.

Perceptions of political and economic inertia have created a sense of
disillusionment among members of both countries’ political elite who
supported the revolution.

Davit Zurabishvili, a one-time human-rights activist, joined Saakashvili’s
party at the time of the change of political leadership. He went on to
become a deputy chairman of the progovernment majority group in
parliament.

In an interview with RFE/RL for the first anniversary of the Rose Revolution
in November 2004, he said the political upheaval had mixed results: “The
main achievement of the Rose Revolution is that a genuine democratic
statehood is now in the making.

The process has been launched, so to speak. Under Shevardnadze —
particularly during the last two to three years of his rule — we had
reached deadlock. State structures were decaying, the economy was
crumbling, and corruption was taking on considerable proportions.
This is a fact. In principle, the Rose Revolution helped us get out of
this deadlock.”

Zurabishvili said he regretted a lack of progress on human-rights issues.
But among the positive achievements of the new leadership, he cited the
ousting of Aslan Abashidze, the rebellious leader of the autonomous
republic of Adjara, and efforts made to improve conditions for soldiers
serving in the country’s armed forces.

However, in August Zurabishvili publicly resigned from the parliament
majority. He subsequently joined the parliamentary opposition, effectively
becoming one of its leaders.

Zurabishvili has linked his resignation to the controversial arrest of
television journalist Shalva Ramishvili on charges of blackmailing
pro-government deputy Koba Bekauri.

Critics say Ramishvili’s arrest is another episode in what they say is the
new Georgian leadership’s battle against independent media.

Speaking to RFE/RL’s Georgian Service recently, Zurabishvili said he had
become disillusioned with Saakashvili: “He made the wrong strategic
choices, provided we can talk of ‘strategic choices’ in a country where
chaos is prevailing and where there is no clear-cut policy. His main
strategic goal is [to restore] Georgia’s territorial integrity.

He believes that to achieve this we need to build up a strong army and
concentrate all powers in a few hands and that all the rest is secondary. I
believe it should be the other way around. We cannot settle the territorial
integrity issue without first making Georgia a democratic and economically
strong country.”

Future elections should determine whether Georgians and Ukrainians have
had enough of their current leaders — and if they’re prepared to give their
old leaders another chance.

Ukraine will hold parliamentary elections in March 2006. Georgia will hold
parliamentary elections in 2008 and a presidential election the following
year.

Sociologist Andriy Bychenko says his recent opinion poll shows that only 37
percent of Ukrainians believe their new leaders are better than the previous
ruling team. Twenty-eight percent believe they are not different. Another 21
percent say that they are worse.

And in a poll conducted by the Razumkov Center in early November, 59
percent of respondents said Ukraine is on the wrong track. Of those polled,
18.3 percent said the country was on the right track.

In Georgia, Ghia Nodia, the chairman of the Tbilisi-based Caucasus
Institute for Peace, Democracy, and Development, recently noted in an
article for RFE/RL that Saakashvili remains widely popular among Georgians,
however autocratic his rule may seem.

It is unclear, however, whether his team enjoys the same popularity. There
are enough politicians waiting in the wings, ready to push themselves back
into power.

Earlier this month, former Georgian Foreign Minister Salome Zurabishvili (no
relation to Davit Zurabishvili) set up her own civic movement with a view to
challenging the government in future elections.

And in Ukraine, former security chief Oleksandr Turchynov — a member of
Tymoshenko’s team — said recently that corruption would dominate the
upcoming election campaign: “We see ourselves heading for victory. The real
power that we will seize will help us stem corruption and bring order in the
country.”

Ukrainians and Georgians have heard such words before. Now they want
them to ring true. -30-
————————————————————————————————–
(Tamar Chikovani of RFE/RL’s Georgian Service and RFE/RL’s Luke Allnutt
contributed to this report.)
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http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/11/7441a72b-3964-49d9-ad4b-c161ae134b47.html

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========================================================
12. ‘ORANGE REVOLUTION’ A BLOW AND WAKE-UP
CALL FOR KREMLIN

Turkish Daily News, Sunday, Nov 20, 2005

For Russia, like many other post-Soviet regimes, Ukraine’s “orange
revolution” proved a terrible blow that pushed the Kremlin out of a stupor
into defending, and regaining, the remains of its old Soviet empire,
analysts say.

The triumph of Kiev’s protests, led by an opposition leader vowing to steer
Ukraine away from centuries-old Russian influence and toward Europe, will
be “Russia’s Sept. 11, with a revolutionary impact on its thought and foreign
policy,” Bulgarian academician Ivan Krastev wrote

Change of direction:The change of direction in Ukraine suddenly made the
European Union into a menace in Kremlin’s eyes, as “now it is perceived as
an instrument for Washington’s and Warsaw’s ambitions rather than an
obstacle to U.S. hegemony,” he wrote on the Open Democracy website

The defeat of the candidate openly backed by Moscow during last year’s
presidential elections in Ukraine and fears of new “color” revolutions in
other ex-Soviet republics has prompted Moscow to review its policies in
the former Soviet Union, analysts say

If before Russia was content to offer passive support to conservative
post-Soviet regimes, it considerably activated such efforts following
Ukraine’s revolution/

In May, Moscow backed Uzbekistan’s President Islam Karimov as he
violently put down a revolt in the eastern city of Andijan. In turn, Karimov
has established closer ties with the Kremlin and demanded that the United
States pull out its military forces, who have used a base in Uzbekistan
since the war on the Taliban regime in neighboring Afghanistan.

Moscow has also sought to aggressively expand its gas export routes to
the European markets — currently all of Russian gas exports pass through
Ukraine.

“The decision to build a gas pipeline underneath the Baltic Sea (to supply
western Europe while bypassing Ukraine and Poland) is also a reaction to
Ukraine events,” said Fyodor Lukyanov, chief editor of the Moscow-based
magazine Russia in the Global Politics.

With an alternate route for its gas exports, Moscow will be freer to use the
“stick” of its foreign policy toward Ukraine — the threat of turning off
Kiev’s gas supplies, the vast majority of which either come directly from
Russia or transit through its territory.

“It is not always easy to punish someone by cutting him off from gas if one
does not have an alternative” to transit on foreign territory, Lukyanov
said.

In domestic affairs, “the Ukrainian example certainly helped boost street
rallies” of Russian pensioners protesting the cutbacks in benefits inherited
from the Soviet Union, said Nikolai Petrov, a political analyst with
Moscow’s Carnegie Center.

Methods: At the same time, the Kremlin has picked up some of the “orange
revolution” methods, setting up a “civil chamber” to control
non-governmental organisations and backing a pro-Kremlin youth movement,
Nashi — both NGOs and youth groups played key roles in the success of
Ukraine’s revolution.

According to Lukyanov, leaders of other ex-Soviet republics, like
Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev, learned lessons from the “orange
revolution,” by “carefully studying revolutionary technologies and
minimizing their impact” ahead of a Nov. 6 legislative election

His Belarusian counterpart Alexander Lukashenko also took care to eliminate
several danger factors, such as foreign aid to the opposition and the
elite’s malcontent

As for Russia’s influence in Ukraine, the game is not over yet —
legislative elections next March will determine the make-up of the new, much
more powerful parliament and analysts in Kiev and Moscow agree that the
Kremlin will seek to support pro-Russian forces during the campaign (Asia
Intelligence Wire) -30-
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13. BUSH ADMINISTRATION URGES US HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES ACTION ON UKRAINE TRADE STATUS

REUTERS, Washington, D.C., Monday, Nov 21, 2005

WASHINGTON – The Bush administration urged the U.S. House of
Representatives on Monday to follow the Senate’s lead and lift a
three-decades-old Cold War restriction on trade relations with Ukraine.

The Senate voted on Friday to extend permanent normal trade relations with
Ukraine by exempting it from the 1974 Jackson-Vanik law. It ties U.S. trade
relations with many former communist countries to the rights of their
citizens to emigrate freely.

“We’re hopeful that the Congress will graduate Ukraine from Jackson-Vanik
this year,” said Matt Niemeyer, assistant U.S. trade representative for
congressional affairs. Ukraine has “been in compliance (with emigration
provisions) for a number of years now.”

Ukraine, which is about to mark the first anniversary of its “Orange
Revolution,” and Russia remain subject to the Jackson-Vanik provision
even though the White House routinely waives it on the grounds that both
countries are complying with the law.

But many lawmakers have favored keeping the restriction in place to give
Congress the chance to vote of the terms of Moscow’s and Kiev’s accession
to the World Trade Organization, as they did with China in 2000.

Senate Finance Committee Chairman Charles Grassley, an Iowa Republican,
praised Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko for resisting parliamentary
impulses toward protectionism and urged the House to follow the Senate’s
move soon.

“Compared to the situation in Ukraine just one year ago, I think the
progress they’ve made is impressive,” Grassley said in a statement. “I wish
all our trading partners demonstrated that kind of respect for the rule of
law.”

Ukrainian officials have said they believe they can clinch entry at the
WTO’s December ministerial conference, and Yushchenko told Reuters
in Kiev on Monday that he planned intensive talks this week to that end.

The U.S. nod to Ukraine comes as it continues to apply pressure on Russia
to reinforce intellectual property rights. The House last week passed a
resolution saying Russia “must dramatically improve” its intellectual
property rights safeguards before it is accepted into the WTO.

Grassley said Ukraine also “has much work to do” before joining the world
trading bloc, which Russia and Ukraine have sought to do for a decade.

WTO chief Pascal Lamy said last month that Kiev could no longer meet
deadlines to enter by the end of the year, and said Russia was still
negotiating about membership, with talks due to take place early next year.
———————————————————————————————
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14. AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE: LIFTING JACKSON VANIK
WILL BOOST U.S.-UKRAINE RELATIONS
Urges U.S. House of Representatives to also vote in support

American Jewish Committee (AJC)
New York, New York, Monday, November 21, 2005

NEW YORK – The American Jewish Committee welcomes the U.S. Senate

vote to lift the trade restrictions on Ukraine that were imposed on the Soviet
Union in 1974 when Congress adopted the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to
press for freedom of emigration.

AJC, an advocate for strengthening democracy in the former communist
countries of Central and Eastern Europe, sent a letter to all members of
Congress in August urging the “graduation” of Ukraine from the Jackson-

Vanik Amendment.

“Our hope is that the United States Congress will seize the appropriate
legislative and other opportunities to help foster closer bilateral ties
between Kiev and Washington and to recognize and encourage the deep

yearning for a modern, Western-oriented society,” wrote AJC Executive
Director David A. Harris after returning from a visit to Kiev in July.

The AJC delegation met with senior government officials, leaders of civic
institutions and representatives of the Jewish community. “Graduation from
the Jackson-Vanik Amendment is a goal we fully share,” Harris wrote.

AJC now will urge the U.S. House of Representatives to vote in support of
lifting the restrictions on Ukraine, so the measure can be delivered to the
White House for signature by President Bush. -30-

——————————————————————————————-

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15. TOP RUSSIAN OFFICIAL “BEWILDERED” BY U.S. LIFTING
SOVIET-ERA CURB OFF UKRAINE

MosNews, Moscow, Russia, Monday, November 21, 2005

MOSCOW – The head of the international affairs committee of the Russian
State Duma, Konstantin Kosachev, has described the U.S. Senate’s decision
to lift the Jackson-Vanik amendment with regard to Ukraine as bewildering,
Interfax reported Sunday.

Commenting on this decision by the U.S. Senate in an interview with
Interfax, Kosachev noted that it is not final as the matter still has to be
considered by the House of Representatives, and then by the U.S. president.

Kosachev said that to him this decision by U.S. senators was “not a matter
of surprise, but of bewilderment, as it is perfectly clear that the
amendment is a political instrument for putting pressure on states in
post-Soviet space and the decision to lift it is adopted on the basis of the
Americans’ political assessment of the foreign policy of individual states”.

According to the MP, this is directly demonstrated by the statement
contained in the American Senate resolution on this matter to the effect
that the amendment is being lifted in view of the democratic process in
Ukraine and its support for U.S. policy.

“One gets the impression that this is some sort of reward to Ukraine for
surrendering its sovereignty and a pat on the back in return for its
authorities’ willingness unconditionally to follow in the wake of American
foreign policy,” Kosachev noted.

He said that the Senate decision was also bewildering because “by all
accounts, the Americans intend to apply a similar approach to Russia,
expecting us to renounce a portion of our national interests”.

By way of example, Kosachev noted the intention of certain congressmen to
link Russian cooperation with Iran and Syria to the possibility of repealing
the Jackson-Vanik amendment. At the same time, he described this approach
as “politically a complete dead-end”.

“For us, the lifting of the amendment is not an aim in itself, for the sake
of which we are ready to barter away our interests in foreign policy.

Russian MPs take the view that the amendment will be repealed in association
with the completion of Russian-American talks on our country’s accession to
the World Trade Organization,” Kosachev said.

He noted that an accord on this was reached in the course of a recent joint
session of the international committees of the Russian and U.S. parliaments
in Washington.

Kosachev recalled that the Jackson-Vanik amendment was imposed against the
Soviet Union in 1974 in connection with the obstacles that were then being
placed in the path of Jews leaving permanently for abroad.

The amendment prevents a regime of normal trade relations from developing,
although in the recent past, Kosachev noted, the U.S. president has been
annually issuing decisions to suspend the impact of the amendment on Russia.
————————————————————————————————-
LINK: http://www.mosnews.com/news/2005/11/21/kosachevsays.shtml
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Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
========================================================
16. UKRAINE JACKSON-VANIK: LUGAR BILL PASSES U.S. SENATE

United States Senate, Washington, D.C., Friday, November 18, 2005

Title: A bill to authorize the extension of unconditional and permanent
nondiscriminatory treatment (permanent normal trade relations treatment) to
the products of Ukraine, and for other purposes.

SPONSOR: Sen Lugar, Richard G. [R-IN] (introduced 3/16/2005)
Cosponsors: 10
Committees: Senate Finance

RELATED BILLS: H.R.885, H.R.1053, H.R.1170, S.46

LATEST MAJOR ACTION: 11/18/2005 Passed/agreed to in Senate.
Status: Passed Senate without amendment by Unanimous Consent.

SPONSOR: Sen Lugar, Richard G. (Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations
Committee) [R-IN]

COSPONSORS:
Sen Brownback, Sam (Chairman, U.S. Helsinki Commission) [R-KS];
Sen DeMint, Jim [R-SC]; Sen DeWine, Mike [R-OH]; Sen Durbin,
Richard [D-IL]; Sen Graham, Lindsey [R-SC]; Sen Lautenberg,
Frank R. [D-NJ] ; Sen McCain, John [R-AZ]; Sen Obama, Barack [D-IL];
Sen Santorum, Rick [R-PA]; Sen Sununu, John E.[R-NH]

S 632 ES, 109th CONGRESS: 1st Session, S. 632

AN ACT

To authorize the extension of unconditional and permanent nondiscriminatory
treatment (permanent normal trade relations treatment) to the products of
Ukraine, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. FINDINGS.
Congress finds that Ukraine–

(1) allows its citizens the right and opportunity to emigrate, free of any
heavy tax on emigration or on the visas or other documents required for
emigration and free of any tax, levy, fine, fee, or other charge on any
citizens as a consequence of the desire of such citizens to emigrate to the
country of their choice;

(2) has received normal trade relations treatment since concluding a
bilateral trade agreement with the United States that entered into force on
June 23, 1992, which remains in force and provides the United States with
important rights;

(3) has been found to be in full compliance with the freedom of emigration
requirements under title IV of the Trade Act of 1974 since 1997;

(4) has committed itself to ensuring freedom of religion and preventing
intolerance;

(5) has committed itself to continuing its efforts to return religious
property to religious organizations in accordance with existing law;

(6) has taken significant steps demonstrating its intentions to build a
friendly and cooperative relationship with the United States including
participating in peacekeeping efforts in Europe; and

(7) has made progress toward meeting international commitments and
standards in the most recent Presidential runoff elections, including in
the implementation of Ukraine’s new elections laws.

SEC. 2. TERMINATION OF APPLICATION OF TITLE IV OF THE
TRADE ACT OF 1974 TO UKRAINE.

(a) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATIONS AND EXTENSION OF
UNCONDITIONAL AND PERMANENT NONDISCRIMINATORY
TREATMENT- Notwithstanding any provision of title IV of
the Trade Act of 1974 (19 U.S.C. 2431 et seq.), the President may–

(1) determine that such title should no longer apply to Ukraine; and

(2) after making a determination under paragraph (1) with respect to
Ukraine, proclaim the extension of unconditional and permanent
nondiscriminatory treatment (permanent normal trade relations treatment)
to the products of that country.

(b) TERMINATION OF APPLICATION OF TITLE IV- On and after
the effective date of the extension under subsection (a)(2) of
nondiscriminatory treatment to the products of Ukraine, chapter 1 of title
IV of the Trade Act of 1974 shall cease to apply to that country.

Passed the Senate November 18, 2005. Attest: Secretary.
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17. UKRAINIAN LAWMAKERS REFUSE TO RECONSIDER BILL
ON SCRAP-METAL EXPORTS, THOUGH NEEDED TO JOIN WTO


Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Friday, November 18, 2005

KIEV, Ukraine (AP) — Ukrainian lawmakers on Friday refused to reconsider a
bill lifting a ban on scrap metal exports, one of a series of measures this
ex-Soviet republic must take to join the World Trade Organization.

Parliament’s refusal to even take up the measure is another setback for
Ukraine’s membership bid, but doesn’t bury the country’s hopes. Another
attempt could be made to reintroduce the bill at a future session.

Opposition to WTO membership remains strong in the 450-member parliament,
led by Communists and Socialists. Lawmakers fear admission will put
Ukrainian industry and farmers at a disadvantage, and critics say the
government’s impatience to join by the year’s end have prompted it to make
too many concessions.

President Viktor Yushchenko has pledged that membership in the powerful
body, which sets global trade rules, would bring the country significant
economic gains. Among them, he says, would be the creation of new jobs
and new markets for Ukraine’s metals, machine-building, textiles and
agricultural industries.

But so far he has failed to get through parliament the full package of laws
that Ukraine needs to join the WTO. Ukraine is also scrambling to complete
the few remaining bilateral agreements it needs ahead of the WTO’s planned
meeting in Hong Kong next month, making membership this year increasingly
unlikely.

Friday’s vote on whether to reconsider the export metal bill proceeded
calmly in comparison with previous WTO debates that ended in brawls and
seizures of the speaker’s platform. -30-
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18. VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH TOPS UKRAINE’S POLLS

ANALYSIS: By Peter Lavelle, United Press International (UPI)
Moscow, Russia, Monday, November 21, 2005

MOSCOW – Ukrainians will elect a new parliament in March and one-time
prime minister and former presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych heads
the political party leading the polls.

The “Orange Revolution” that delivered Viktor Yushchenko to the presidency
is in disarray, and has given Yanukovych an election platform full of irony:
Campaigning against the corruption and incompetence of the ruling elite.

According to a recent public opinion poll conducted by the Razumkov Center,
Yanukovych’s Party of the Regions tops voter preference for the slated March
26 parliamentary election with 17.5 percent.

The People’s Union-Our Ukraine electoral bloc that includes Yushchenko as
its honorary chairman is second with 13.5 percent and the Batkivshchina
(Fatherland) Party of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko close behind at
12.4 percent.

Ukraine’s other parties represented in parliament — Communist Party of
Ukraine, the Socialist Party of Ukraine and the People’s Party of speaker of
parliament Volodymyr Lytvyn — polled above the necessary 3 percent to wins
seats in the next legislature. Other polls put the blocs that support
Yushchenko and Tymoshenko in a dead heat or the latter slightly ahead.

Topping the polls and connecting with the electorate have never been as
important for Ukraine’s political parties. As part of the behind
closed-doors negotiations during last December’s “Orange Revolution,”
Ukraine will, as of Jan. 1, change from being a semi-presidential political
system to one dominated by a parliamentary-presidential form of government.
With Yushchenko and Tymoshenko now political opponents, Yanukovych
seeks to take advantage of the split in the “orange” coalition.

Parliament will determine who occupies government ministries and who will be
prime minister — currently decisions made by the president. The parliament
also may be able to force the president to hand over many of the powers that
have slowly fallen to the presidency over the years, though they legally
belong to parliament or the prime minister. There should be no doubt that
Yanukovych and his allies have been patiently waiting for these changes

New parliamentary rules mandate the party that garners the most votes will
have the right to determine who will be named prime minister. This may or
may not happen if Yanukovych’s Party of the Regions wins the largest number
of votes. Irrespective of the rule, Yanukovych is angling to make a
political come back with popular support.

In September, Yushchenko fired the entire Cabinet, replacing Prime Minister
Tymoshenko and his former comrade-in-arms with Dnipropetrovs’k Gov. Yuri
Yekhanurov. Yushchenko’s government had been severely criticized for not
addressing what the “Orange Revolution” was supposed to end: Endemic
corruption and political favoritism.

Yushchenko’s chief of staff, Olexander Zinchenko, who resigned and initiated
the Cabinet shake-up, has accused national security secretary Petro
Poroshenko of bribery, media intrusion and obstructing the justice system.

Poroshenko resigned, but remains a political insider Yushchenko appears
unwilling or unable to shake-off. This is Yushchenko’s biggest problem,
Tymoshenko’s issue to manipulate and Yanukovych’s very passive message to
tell voters, “I told you so.”

Yushchenko has shown himself to be an indecisive and incoherent politician.
Kiev’s voters would probably consider his greatest accomplishment to be
ridding the city of its corrupt traffic cops, but that was not what the
“Orange Revolution” was all about.

The “Orange Revolution” was originally about Ukrainians demanding something
be done about the country’s worst malady — corruption in the political
elite as the result of a few oligarchs controlling the economy and state.

When she was prime minister, Tymoshenko played the anti-corruption and
nationalist card to the detriment of the economy. Her calls to revisit
thousands of privatization deals of state assets scared off foreign
investors and the dramatic increase of social payments stoked inflation.
During Tymoshenko’s tenure in office, Ukraine’s GDP annual growth
nose-dived from 12 percent to 4 percent.

Yanukovych is sitting pretty and has good reason to do so. Waiting on the
sidelines and watching the former opposition — now divided — appeal to the
electorate, Yanukovych is slowly consolidating his support as the leader of
the Regions of Ukraine party.

He was partially rehabilitated when Tymoshenko’s government was
dismissed and his September “Memorandum of Understanding” with
Yushchenko returned him to public eye in a positive way and damaged
Yushchenko’s reputation among his core supporters.

Accusing both Tymoshenko and Yushchenko of running a lawless government,
many Ukrainians disappointed with the “Orange Revolution” appear to be
listening. -30- (Peter Lavelle is a Moscow-based analyst.)
————————————————————————————————
http://www.upi.com/InternationalIntelligence/view.php?StoryID=20051121-091605-4500r
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19. HOLODOMOR EXHIBITION: THE FIGHT TO STAY ALIVE

What Ukrainians were forced to eat to defy death by hunger
By E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
KYIV – On Friday, November 25, the President of Ukraine will open an
exhibition at the Ukrainian House in Kyiv about the Ukrainian Genocide –
the Holodomor- Famine-Terror Death for Millions, of 1932-1933 imposed
on the Ukrainian nation by the Soviet government of Josef Stalin.
Part of that major exhibition will feature a series of 85 graphics, linocuts,
by Mykola Mykhaylovych Bondarenko, Ukrainian graphic artist from the
village of Dmytrivka in the Sumy Oblast.
The artworks answer the question as to what people, when their entire
normal supply of food was stolen away by the Soviets were forced to
eat in their frantic attempt to defy death by hunger. This will be the
first exhibition of these artworks in Ukraine. Mr. Bondarenko, born in
1949, will be present at the Holodomor Exhibition.
Oleksander Kapitonenko, Simferopol, in a preface to a book about
the Bondarenko graphics, published by the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
of the USA wrote: “From early childhood, Mykola Mykhaylovych
(Bondarenko) loved to listed to the old people reminiscing about village
life in the olden days.
Having learned about the famine, he attempted to reproduce it graphically,
but was not satisfied with the few sketches he made. The artist wished to
tell about this tragedy in his own, different way.
He considered the fact, that although entire families and entire villages
were annihilated by the famine, some individuals managed to survive.
What was it that helped them defy death by hunger?
He went around [for five years from 1988-1993] questioning the old-
timers [famine survivors in his district] who told him about their
unbelievable “menu”.
Thus he found the answer to his question; he decided to portray not
the emaciated [dying] peasants, but rather the “food” which they were
forced to ingest in order to [attempt] to survive.
At first he tried to paint several of the more common weeds which
were consumed by the starving people, raw or prepared. Then he
turned to producing a series of graphical depictions of other
vegetation.
His sketchbooks contain drawings from nature of coughgrass, clover,
hemp, sweet-flag, burdock, rush (cane), nettle, thistles, lime tree and
acacia buds, from which engravings have been made.
Almost each engraving depicts a window, the cross-like frame of which
symbolizes the heavy cross, carried by those condemned to death.
Every windowpane symbolized the hope to survive the famine.
On such a background are depicted weeds and some other plants
consumed by the starving people during those horrible times. On
the right windowpane is the “recipe” for preparing this ersatz food.
Several of the engravings show the self-made tools, which helped
the peasants to chop, grind, sieve, squeeze, and other prepare the
weeds [most of them not really digestible in natural form]. To own
such tools meant risking one’s life.
The most touching and alarming for the viewer are the depictions
of domestic animals – a cat, or a dog, fleeing to who knows where,
so that they would not be caught and eaten; carcasses of dead cows
or horses, which the starved populace did not hesitate to eat, and the
panicked eyes of fledgling birds in a nest, which is about to be robbed
by the hand of a starving person.
Noticeable is these engravings is the absense of any accusations of
those who wrote the scenario of the famine, and of those who only
too eagerly helped in this criminal action.
Only the sickles and hammers on the iron rods with which the
village activists [many sent to Ukraine by Stalin for this purpose]
probed everywhere in, looking for hidden food of the peasants,
point to the cause of the famine. [There are also two very small
red stars near the bottom of each side of every graphic which gives
another clue as to the perpetrators of the genocide against the
Ukrainian people.]
And, also, the blood on the knife blade [found in one of the graphics]
reminds the viewer that we are dealing with a horrible crime.” [by
Oleksander Kapitonenko, Simferopol in 2003]
The Exhibition of the artworks by Bondarenko is being sponsored by
the Dr. James Mace Holodomor Memorial Fund of the Ukrainian
Federation of America, Zenia Chernyk, Chairperson; Vera M.
Andryczyk, President; Huntingdon Valley, Pennsylvania; The Bleyzer
Foundation, Michael and Natasha Bleyzer and the Bleyzer Family,
Houston, Texas and Kyiv, Ukraine; Ukrainian Orthodox Church of
the USA, Archbishop Antony, South Bound Brook, New Jersey;
David Holpert, W J Grain, Kyiv; David and Tamara Sweere,
Kiev-Atlantic, Kyiv; Eugenia Dallas; Helen and Alex Woskob;
and the Bahriany Foundation, Anatol Lysyj, Chairman.
The Bondarenko Exhibition is being arranged by Morgan Williams,
SigmaBleyzer, on behalf of the International Ukrainian Genocide-
Holodomor Committee and designed by Volodymyr and Irina
Veshtak, expert graphic artists, Kyiv, Ukraine.
The exhibition at the Ukrainian House will feature several hundred
other works about the Holodomor including paintings, posters,
photos, documents, and other graphic material. -30-
—————————————————————————————-
FOOTNOTE: A book showing the Bondarenko artworks, “Ukraine
1933; A Cookbook, Linocuts by Myklola Bondarenko” published by
the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the USA, South Bound Brook,
New Jersey in 2003, in remembrance of the millions of Ukrainians
who perished during the Great Famine of Ukraine in 1932-1933 is
still available. For information about how to purchase the book please
send an e-mail to http://www.blogger.com/.

—————————————————————————————–
NOTE: The Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA) is accepting
donations to assist in the cost of the genocide/holodomor/famine
commemorations in Kyiv this month. The Federation needs
to quickly raise several thousand more dollars for expenses related
to the Holodomor Exhibition to be held in the Ukrainian House.
Donations can be made to the Ukrainian Federation of America
and sent to the Federation at 930 Henrietta Avenue, Huntingdon
Valley, PA 19006. Please designate your donation for the Dr.

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========================================================
20. UKRAINE: STALIN DOCUMENT ‘SMOKING GUN’
Quebec professor says new data proves dictator’s genocide intent

By David O’Brien, Winnipeg Free Press
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, Sunday, November 20th, 2005

WINNIPEG – THE Ukrainian Famine that killed seven million people in

1932-33 is clearly a tragedy, but there is still not universal acceptance that
it was genocide, or the intentional killing of a target people, a historian
said yesterday.

However, professor Roman Serbyn says a “smoking gun” has been found

that shows the famine was a deliberate attempt by Soviet leaders to destroy
the Ukrainian peasantry.

Serbyn, of the University of Quebec, said a document found in the Russian
archives about 10 years ago proves that Soviet dictator Josef Stalin
attempted to eliminate a large number of Ukrainian peasants through an order
forbidding them from leaving the land to find food.

Serbyn said the document has not been widely distributed or discussed, even
though it adds weight to the argument the famine was created to destroy
Ukraine as a nation.

He said the United Nations has still not recognized the famine as genocide,
which it defines as acts “committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in
part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.”

Serbyn discussed his conclusions on the famine last night in a seminar at
the Ukrainian Orthodox Cathedral of St. Mary The Protectress on Burrows
Avenue.

In an interview, he said there is significant “circumstantial evidence” the
famine was genocide, but documents showing intent have been hard to find.

Serbyn said Stalin closed the borders not only to Ukrainians in Ukraine, but
also to Ukrainians living in areas adjacent to it.

He noted than when parts of the Soviet Union, including Ukraine, suffered a
famine in 1920-21, the dictatorship appealed for outside aid.

But no help was allowed into Ukraine for the second famine, Serbyn said.

The very idea that a massive famine that killed millions of people had
occurred was not widely accepted in the West until the 1980s, he said.

In fact, several journalists were still writing articles at that time
questioning the claims of Ukrainian survivors, Serbyn said.
“It was the last stand of famine-genocide denial,” he said.

Serbyn said Stalin wanted to crush the Ukrainian peasantry because “they
were the backbone of Ukrainian” nationalism and identity.

Ukrainians were the largest single group, other than Russians, within the
Soviet Union and there were concerns a nationalist revival could lead to
demands for independence, he said.

Serbyn doesn’t believe Stalin wanted to eliminate every Ukrainian because

he needed people to work the collective farms and provide labour else-
where. Instead, the dictator wanted the peasantry reduced and weakened
to the point it would not be a threat, he said. -30-
——————————————————————————————-
FOOTNOTE: Our thanks to Leonard Krawchuk and Orysia
Tracz for alerting us to this article and sending us a copy. EDITOR
——————————————————————————————-
FOOTNOTE: You will find below a translation in English by Professor
Roman Serbyn from the original Russian of the important document
mentioned in the article above. EDITOR
[DECREE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE SOVIET
GOVERNMENT PROHIBITING THE DEPARTURE OF STARVING
PEASANTS FROM UKRAINE AND THE KUBAN’]

[On 22 January 1933, a secret circular was telegraphed from Moscow to
Kharkiv, the capital of the Ukrainian SSR, and to Rostov-on-Don, Voronezh,
Stalingrad, Samara, Smolensk and Minsk < administrative centres of Russian
and Belarusian regions bordering on Ukraine. The document, recently
discovered in Soviet archives, shows the national character of the genocidal
policy pursued by the Kremlin. The target of the induced famine was the
peasantry of Ukraine and the ethnically Ukrainian Kuban region of Northern
Caucasus. – RS]

The Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party and the Council of
Commissars of the USSR have received information that in the Kuban and
Ukraine a massive departure of peasants “in search of bread” has begun into
the [Russian] Central-Black Earth region, the Volga region, the Western and
Moscow regions, and into Belorussia. The Central Committee of the
All-Russian Communist Party and the Council of Commissars of the USSR do

not doubt that this departure of peasants, like the departure from Ukraine last
year, was organized by the enemies of Soviet power, the Socialist
Revolutionaries and the agents of Poland, with the goal of agitation
“through the peasants” in the northern regions of the USSR against the
collective farms and against Soviet power as a whole. Last year the Party,
Soviet and Chekist organs of Ukraine were caught napping by this
counter-revolutionary trick of the enemies of Soviet power. This year we
cannot allow a repetition of last year’s mistake.

First. The Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party and the
Council of Commissars of the USSR order the Regional Committees of the
Party, the Regional Executive Committees and the Plenipotentiary of the OGPU
[political police] of Northern Caucasus not to allow massive departure of
peasants from the Northern Caucasus into other regions, or the entry into
the Northern Caucasus from Ukraine.

Second. The Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party and the
Council of Commissars order the Central Committee of the Ukrainian SSR, as
well as V. A. Balitskii [Moscow’s OGPU agent in Ukraine] and [S. F.] Redens
[head of the Ukrainian GPU], not to allow a massive outfow of peasants from
Ukraine into other regions or the entry into Ukraine of peasants from the
North Caucasus.

Third. The Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party and the
Council of Commissars order the Plenipotentiary of the OGPU of the Moscow
region, Central-Black Earth region, Western region, Belarus, Lower and
Middle Volga regions, to immediately arrest all “peasants” of Ukraine and
the North Caucasus who have broken through into the north and, after
separating out the counter-revolutionary elements, to return the rest to
their places of residence.

Fourth. The Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party and the
Council of Commissars order Porokhov of the Transport Section of the GPU

to give a similar order to the OGPU transport organs.

Chairman of the Council of Commissars of the USSR: V. M. Molotov
Secretary of the Central Committee of the Pan-Russian Communist Party:

J. Stalin [The original bears Stalin’s signature only.]
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21. REQUIEM-SERVICE HELD AT NYC’S ST PATRICK CATHEDRAL
IN COMMEMORATION OF 1932-1933 FAMINE VICTIMS

Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

KYIV – New York City’s St Patrick Cathedral was the venue of a requiem
service in commemoration of millions of Ukrainians who were starved to
death in the 1932-1933 devastating famine, which the totalitarian regime
orchestrated, according to the Foreign Ministry of Ukraine.

The mourning event was sponsored by the Ukrainian Congress Committee of
America, the Ukrainian Permanent Representation to the UNO, the Ukrainian
Consulate General in New York City and was attended by Ukrainian community
members and American public figures.

Ukraine’s Permanent Representative to UN Ambassador Valeriy Kuchynskyi

read out President Viktor Yushchenko’s message to the service’s attendants, in
which the Head of State thanked the people of America who were the first to
recognize the famine’s appalling dimension.

The Ukrainian President referred to the famine of 1932-1933 as a tragedy of
European dimensions and aired his hope that this fact will be recognized by
the international community. According to Viktor Yushchenko, the truth and
memory will be the guarantee of preventing such tragedies in the future.

Addressing the audience, Ambassador Kuchynskyi reminded them about
Ukraine’s 2003 initiative to endorse UN’s joint statement on the occasion of
the famine’s 70th anniversary, in which, for the first time, the 1932-1933
famine was qualified as the Ukrainian people’s national tragedy, caused by
the Soviet totalitarian regime’s brutal policies.

Chairman of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America Mykhailo Savkiv
briefed the audience about President George Bush’s address, which says that
millions of Ukrainians suffered from the Stalin totalitarian regime’s
persecutions and the devastating 1932-1933 famine. The world, the US
President’s message said, will always remember those who sacrificed their
lives to fight the evil.

The US President’s address also noted that since Ukraine gained its
independence in 1991 the people of Ukraine have demonstrated their
commitment to the ideals of freedom, and the Orange Revolution has set
a powerful paradigm of democracy in action.

In the person of President Yushchenko the people of Ukraine have a brave
leader. America is proud to call Ukraine its friend, the US President’s
address said.

New York Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg sent a message to the attendants,
which said that November 19 had been declared in New York City Day of
commemoration of the genocide’s victims. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 604

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

“Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World”

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” – Number 604
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
KHARKIV, UKRAINE, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 2005

——–INDEX OF ARTICLES——–
“Major International News Headlines and Articles”

1. U.S. SENATOR LUGAR PRAISES PASSAGE OF BILL THAT
REPEALS APPLICATION OF JACKSON-VANIK TO UKRAINE
Authorizes extension of permanent normal trade relations
Similar bill now has to pass the U.S. House of Representatives
Office of U.S. Senator Richard Lugar
United States Senate, Washington, D.C.
Friday, November 18, 2005

2. JACKSON-VANIK GRADUATION COALITION PRAISES ACTION
BY U.S. SENATE TO GRADUATE UKRAINE FROM THE
SOVIET-ERA JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT
Coalition will now focus their efforts on the U.S. House of Representatives
E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Issue 604, Article 2
Kharkiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

3. UKRAINE HAILS WAIVER OF JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT
BY THE U.S. SENATE, HOPES FOR ACTION BY U.S. HOUSE
Interfax, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, Nov 20, 2005

4. REPEAL OF JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT PASSES
UNITED STATES SENATE
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
Washington, D.C., Friday, November 18, 2005

5. PRESIDENT SPEAKS ABOUT THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
IDEALS AND THE CHALLENGES FACING UKRAINE TODAY
“I am going to sign an order to celebrate Freedom Day on
November 22 to assert ideals of democracy and national dignity.”
Radio Address: President of Ukraine
Press office of President Victor Yushchenko of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 19, 2005

6. REVOLUTIONARY ASSESSMENT: THE THREE R’S
First anniversary of the start of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine
PRESENTATION: By Lidia Wolanskyj
Writer, Journalist; Founder, Eastern Economist
Ukrainian Club, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, Nov 17, 2005
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Issue 604, Article 6
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

7. UKRAINE: VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO’S FIRST YEAR IN OFFICE:
A WESTERN PERSPECTIVE
ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: Taras Kuzio, PhD
Visiting Professor, Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies,
Elliott School of International Studies, George Washington University
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Issue 604, Article 7
Washington, D,C. Monday, November 21, 2005

8. UKRAINE: ONE YEAR ON, THE ORANGE UPRISING
LEAVES A BITTER AFTERTASTE
Infighting and widespread disillusionment mar anniversary of revolution
Tom Parfitt in Kiev, The Guardian
London, UK, Saturday November 19, 2005

9. YEAR ON, MYSTERY STILL SHROUDS POISONING OF
UKRAINE’S PRESIDENT VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, Nov 20, 2005

10. FIVE “WHY’S” FOR PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO
COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: By Sergiy Soroka
Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, Nov 17, 2005

11. UKRAINE: TYMOSHENKO WANTS UNITY TO DEFEAT RIVALS
Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, November 20, 2005

12. HUNDREDS OF LEFTISTS RALLY IN UKRAINE
By Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, November 20, 2005
========================================================
1
. U.S. SENATOR LUGAR PRAISES PASSAGE OF BILL THAT
REPEALS APPLICATION OF JACKSON-VANIK TO UKRAINE
Authorizes extension of permanent normal trade relations
Similar bill now has to pass the U.S. House of Representatives

Office of U.S. Senator Richard Lugar
United States Senate, Washington, D.C.
Friday, November 18, 2005

WASHINGTON – U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Chairman Dick Lugar [R-IL] announced that his bill authorizing the
extension of permanent normal trade relations treatment to Ukraine
passed the Senate today.

Ukraine has been subject to the provisions of the Jackson-Vanik
amendment to the Trade Act of 1974, which sanctions nations for
failure to comply with freedom of emigration requirements.

This bill permanently repeals the application of Jackson-Vanik
to Ukraine. Lugar and Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL) had written their
Senate colleagues on October 24, 2005, pressing for action before
the Senate adjourned for the session.

“Extraordinary events have occurred in Ukraine in the last year. A free
press has revolted against government intimidation and reasserted itself.
An emerging middle class has found its political footing. A new
generation has embraced democracy and openness.

A society has rebelled against the illegal activities of its government. It
is in our interest to recognize and protect these advances in Ukraine,” said
Lugar, who served as President Bush’s personal representative during the
Ukrainian run-off election in November 2004.

Since the end of the Cold War, Ukraine has demonstrated a commitment
to meet the requirements necessary for normal trade relations and has
expressed a strong desire to abide by free market principles and good
governance.

“The United States has a long record of cooperation with Ukraine
through the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction program.

Ukraine inherited the third largest nuclear arsenal in the world with the
fall of the Soviet Union and, through the Nunn-Lugar program, the United
States has assisted Ukraine in eliminating this deadly arsenal and joining
the Nonproliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear state,” said Lugar.

“The passage of this bill signals the commitment of the U.S. to support
freedom and prosperity in Ukraine. The U.S. should continue to work
with Ukraine to address trade issues between the two nations and ensure
trade benefits to American businesses, farmers and ranchers.”

The Jackson-Vanik amendment was included in the 1974 Trade Act to
pressure then-communist nations to permit free emigration. Since 1992,
Ukraine has been found in compliance with freedom of emigration
requirements and has been certified annually as qualifying for a waiver
of Jackson-Vanik sanctions.

In addition, the United States and Ukraine have a bilateral trade agreement
in place. This legislation will stimulate further market reforms and
encourage Ukraine to continue its commitment to safeguarding individual
liberties.

Action by the House of Representatives is required in order for the bill
to proceed toward becoming law. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
LINK: http://lugar.senate.gov/pressapp/record.cfm?id=249164
———————————————————————————————
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
2. JACKSON-VANIK GRADUATION COALITION PRAISES ACTION
BY U.S. SENATE TO GRADUATE UKRAINE FROM THE
SOVIET-ERA JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT

Coalition will now focus their efforts on the U.S. House of Representatives

E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Issue 604, Article 2
Kharkiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

KHARKIV – Leaders of the Jackson-Vanik Graduation Coalition
praised the action by the U.S. Senate last Friday authorizing the
extension of permanent normal trade relations treatment to Ukraine
by graduating Ukraine from the provisions of the Jackson-Vanik
amendment to the Trade Act of 1974, which sanctions nations for
failure to comply with freedom of emigration requirements.

Former United States Ambassadors to Ukraine, William Miller and
Steven Pifer, Co-Chairmen of the Jackson-Vanik Graduation Coalition,
said the decision by the U.S. Senate was a major step forward for
this critical issue in U.S.-Ukraine relations. An issue which had been
stuck in the U.S. Congress, without any movement, for many years.

Ambassadors Miller and Pifer believe the Senate action will provide
the momentum necessary to raise the Jackson-Vanik graduation
issue to a much higher position on the agenda of the U.S. House of
Representatives when the House returns after a two-week Thanksgiving
break.

“We urge all the friends of Ukraine in the U.S. to immediately contact
their U.S. Congressman and urge support for Ukraine’s graduation
from the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, ” the leadership of the Jackson-
Vanik Graduation Coalition said on Saturday.

The Coalition’s goal has been to have both houses of the U.S. Congress
pass a Jackson-Vanik Graduation bill for Ukraine and to have
President Bush sign the legislation before the end of year 2005.

JACKSON-VANIK COALITION EXPANDS TO OVER 30 PARTNERS

The list of Jackson-Vanik Graduation Coalition members has grown to
include more than 30 Ukrainian-American and Jewish-American groups,
businesses, and non-governmental organizations.

On November 2, Jackson-Vanik Coalition members attended a joint press
conference held by Congressman Curt Weldon (R-Pa) and Ukrainian
Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov in the U.S. Capitol Building.

In support of Jackson-Vanik graduation, Congressman Weldon stated that
“the U.S. must lift Ukraine out of Jackson-Vanik immediately. There is no
fathomable reason why Jackson-Vanik should continue.” The Congressman
added that “it is time to remove this Cold War dinosaur from the halls of
Congress.”

Jackson-Vanik is an outdated 1974 Amendment that imposed trade
restrictions on the Soviet Union in response to its poor human rights
policies, particularly restrictions on the emigration of religious
minorities.

However today, more than thirty years later, Ukraine has built a
strong record of allowing open emigration and has created conditions
for religious minorities to pursue their beliefs freely. Ukraine is a success
story for Jackson-Vanik and it now merits graduation from the
Amendment’s provisions.

The leadership of the Jackson-Vanik Graduation Coalition in Washington,
D.C. has included: Ambassador William Miller; Ambassador Steven
Pifer; Nadia K. McConnell, President, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation; Robert
McConnell, Attorney; Mark Levin, Executive Director, National Conference
on Soviet Jewry (NCSJ); Ihor Gawdiak, President, Ukrainian American
Coordinating Council; Zenia Chernyk, Chairperson and Vera M.
Andryczyk, President, Ukrainian Federation of America; Dr. Susanne
Lotarski, President/CEO, Ukraine-U.S. Business Council; Morgan
Williams and Matthew Popadiuk, SigmaBleyzer; Ken Bossong, Ukrainian-
American Environmental Association; Jim Slattery, former Congressman
from Kansas; and many other leaders of organizations interested in the
Ukraine-U.S. relationship and in Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration
as a strong democratic country with a private market-driven economy.

The Jackson-Vanik Graduation Coalition continues to seek groups

and organizations to join the Coalition’s efforts to lift Jackson-Vanik
restrictions on Ukraine.

For more information on participating in the Coalition, please call the
U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF) at (202) 347-4264 or contact

Alana Malick, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation Fellow, JVGC@usukraine.org.
———————————————————————————————

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3. UKRAINE HAILS WAIVER OF JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT
BY THE U.S. SENATE, HOPES FOR ACTION BY U.S. HOUSE

Interfax, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, Nov 20, 2005

KYIV – The U.S. Senate’s decision recommending that the House of
Representatives waive the Jackson-Vanik amendment for Ukraine
highlights the United States’ support for ongoing democratic
processes in Ukraine, Foreign Ministry spokesman Vasyl Fylypchuk
said on Sunday.

“It is a long-awaited step that will help remove this problem,
which is a relic of the Cold War and does not reflect the spirit of the
Ukrainian-American strategic partnership,” he said.

“We hope that the U.S. House of Representatives will take rapid
moves to make a final decision on waiving the Jackson-Vanik
amendment for Ukraine,” the spokesman said. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
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4. REPEAL OF JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT PASSES
UNITED STATES SENATE

Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
Washington, D.C., Friday, November 18, 2005

WASHINGTON – In an early evening session on Friday, November 18,
2005, the United States Senate passed by unanimous consent S632, a bill
to repeal the Jackson-Vanik amendment for Ukraine and grant Ukraine
Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR).

The bill was sponsored by Sen. Richard Lugar (R-IN), Chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and received bi-partisan support
from other members of the United States Senate.

In a “Dear Colleague” letter written in late October 2005, Sens. Lugar and
Barack Obama (D-IL) emphasized the need for the repeal of the Jackson-
Vanik amendment as a means to which, “the U.S. must remain committed
to assisting Ukraine in pursuing market economic reforms.

The permanent waiver of Jackson-Vanik and establishment of permanent
normal trade relations will be the foundation on which further progress in
a burgeoning economic partnership can be made.”

S632 received the support of nearly a dozen members of the United States
Senate including: Sen Sam Brownback [KS]; Sen Jim DeMint SC]; Sen
Mike DeWine [OH]; Sen Richard Durbin [IL]; Sen Lindsey Graham [SC];
Sen Frank R. Lautenberg [NJ]; Sen John McCain [AZ]; Sen Barack Obama
[IL]; Sen Rick Santorum [PA]; and Sen John E. Sununu [NH].

Commenting on the passage of S632, Sen. Lugar stated: “.this bill signals
the commitment of the U.S. to support freedom and prosperity in Ukraine.
The U.S. should continue to work with Ukraine to address trade issues
between the two nations.” Support was also expressed from the Bush
Administration for the repeal of this measure.

The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), and its
Washington, DC bureau – the Ukrainian National Information Service
(UNIS), were actively advocating the repeal of this measure. With letters
written from various organizations and UCCA branches to their senators,
additional support for the bill was obtained.

Michael Sawkiw, Jr., President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of
America, commented on the bill’s passage: “The repeal of the Jackson-
Vanik amendment has sent a message to Ukraine that the United States
is a true strategic partner and will assist that country in its economic
reform agenda. This archaic law of the former Soviet-era is now left
for the history books.” -30-
————————————————————————————
Serhiy Zhykharev, UNIS, Washington, (202) 547-0018
——————————————————————————————–
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
5. PRESIDENT SPEAKS ABOUT THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
IDEALS AND THE CHALLENGES FACING UKRAINE TODAY
“I am going to sign an order to celebrate Freedom Day on

November 22 to assert ideals of democracy and national dignity.”

Radio Address: President of Ukraine
Press office of President Victor Yushchenko of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 19, 2005

PRESIDENT’S RADIO ADDRESS

Dear fellow citizens!

Ladies and gentlemen!

A couple days before the first anniversary of the Orange Revolution, which
has been a milestone in the history of Ukraine and the whole world, I would
like to speak about the Maidan ideals and challenges that are facing us
today.

On November 22, 2004, all of us standing in squares of cities, towns and
villages of Ukraine proved that we were citizens ready to importunately
defend our major right – the right of choice.

All of us standing in squares in Kyiv or Lviv, Odessa or Donetsk will
forever preserve this feeling of unity and pride in the people and the
country.

At that time, each of us clearly understood that we were creating a new
Ukrainian history. The whole world was watching us and saw the new
country.

It is difficult to overstate the role Kyiv residents played in those events
of the orange November. Back then Kyiv was the political capital of Ukraine.
But we would never have gained our victory without other squares whichever
banners and flags they were carrying.

Donetsk patriotism, Lviv composure, Kharkiv responsibility, Sumy courage,
and Cherkassy optimism were all bricks of the foundation of our new country.

One year ago, we gained our freedom through fighting and shouting. Ukraine
had been independent for 13 years, but it became free last November.
Freedom is the greatest accomplishment of the Maidan.

As President of Ukraine, I am proud to represent this dignified,
independent, and beautiful nation. I am going to sign an order to celebrate
Freedom Day on November 22 to assert ideals of democracy and national
dignity.

One year ago, our fight for democracy did not stop. We only started this
path in the Maidan. Twelve months ago, we lived in the country with no
freedom of speech and no political competition.

We received the country with many problems and colossal diseases in various
branches. Together we can make Ukraine prosperous and democratic.

Today, we happily speak about our achievements but we also admit our
mistakes. We need time to advance. The biggest sin is disappointment and
distrust. The Maidan slogans are as topical as they were a year ago.

One of the major demands of the people was to fight corruption. This week,
I signed an order on urgent measures to fight corruption and legalize the
economy. The government has three months to formulate bills to fight
corruption and improve the procedure making state officials account for
their income and assets.

I pledged to make each state executive declare his/her income and expenses.
This demand of the Maidan will become a norm in Ukraine.

We wished to see “bandits in prisons.” As President of Ukraine, I order law
enforcement agencies to investigate resonant cases. Those involved in last
year’s large-scale electoral fraud, which made millions of people take to
streets, must be punished.

Criminals will be in prisons! I will regard any delays in the investigation
as insufficient professionalism of law enforcement agencies. Such
unprofessional people cannot hold state positions.

We shouted: “The South and the West are together!” As Head of State, I
will spare no effort to never divide our country ideologically, religiously
or lingually. I will not let any political force speculate on these subjects.

We shouted: “Freedom Cannot Be Stopped!” As President, I guarantee that
in March 2006 we will hold free democratic elections. I have established a
political council and invited all political forces to take part in its
meetings.

The council is now formulating an agreement on fair elections which we
should all sign on the first day of the election campaign.
We have free journalists, and our society expects the media to honestly
cover the campaign.

The government will not abuse its authority during the campaign. The only
argument we can use to make the people trust us is the successful
implementation of our economic, social, and humanitarian policy.

I often recollect the main slogan of the Maidan – Together we are many,
we cannot be defeated! United, we can change the country. I want the
parliamentary elections to be a competition of teams and ideas, programs
and ideologies.

I am convinced election results will help reinforce all democratic changes.
I believe each of us will be an active citizen, and in 2006 we will together
choose the future for our country. Together we will build a rich country
our ancestors dreamed about.

While visiting France this week, I laid flowers on the grave of Symon
Petlyura, the patriot that fought for Ukraine’s independence and died in
exile and whose name was concealed and reputation blackened for years.

Standing by his grave, I thought of thousands of Ukrainians that fought for
our independence and believed Ukraine would always exist.

I recollected the bitter words of Volodymyr Vynnychenko: “The dark and
ancient forces divided democracy in Kyiv (perhaps even in Ukraine) into
two groups. Every day, this division was getting greater and the fight
fiercer.

Finally we came to our senses, for the fight was too uncompromising
and too harmful for democracy.

Seriously and sincerely worried, the people stopped and looked around to
ask themselves if there were other ways to reconcile. And they found those
ways. All you have to do is to come closer to each other and peacefully
shake hands.”

I believe our generation of politicians will learn the lesson of our
prominent great grandfathers for the sake of Ukraine. I find these words of
his important: “Our strength lies within us.”

I am sure on November 22 we will gather in the Maidan. This is our day.
We proved to the whole world that we were wise Europeans capable of
peacefully defeating dictators.

I know those who ruled Ukraine for 13 years cannot accept their defeat.
They strive for revenge and spare no forces or funds to restore their
totalitarian regime.

I am sure November 22 is the best occasion to demonstrate our wisdom
and mutual understanding, forgetting all petty intrigues and uniting for the
sake of Ukraine.

Perhaps we cannot fully appreciate the importance of Freedom Day.
However, we proudly say that Ukraine has changed. The world treats us
as equals and regards us as a responsible and predictable partner. Ukraine
is becoming a regional leader.

At a Ukraine-EU summit, we hope to hear a clear signal to get a market
economy status and to liberalize visa requirements for Ukrainian citizens.

I know there are many challenges ahead. In the minutes of hardship, I
recollect the Maidan and repeat the words of Winston Churchill: “Politics
is as exciting and dangerous as war. However, war kills you once while in
politics that happens every day and one hundred times.”

Thousands of hopeful eyes that looked at me during the Orange Revolution
make me strong. Your faith inspires me. Your exploit encourages me to be
exigent to myself and my team.

I urge all of you to think Ukrainian. Be patriots! Let us be proud to be
Ukrainians! Happy Freedom Day! -30-
——————————————————————————————-
LINK: http://www.president.gov.ua/en/news/data/11_4288.html
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6. REVOLUTIONARY ASSESSMENT: THE THREE R’S
First anniversary of the start of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine

PRESENTATION: By Lidia Wolanskyj
Writer, Journalist; Founder, Eastern Economist
Ukrainian Club, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, Nov 17, 2005
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Issue 604, Article 6
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 21, 2005

THE THREE R’S

November 22 is the official anniversary of the start of the Orange
Revolution that brought Viktor Yushchenko to power in Ukraine last winter.
As a writer, I’m fascinated more than anything by the language that is used
to discuss, analyze and summarize this historical event. It’s time for all
of us to consider the terms we are using and cast some lucid light on the
subject.

In English, the three R’s are reading, (w)riting and (a)rithmetic. In
Ukraine, they’ve taken on a meaning of their own-revolutsia (revolution),
rozcharuvannia (disenchantment) and repressia (political repression)-three
terms have been abused and misused by the press and political pundits alike
in describing and assessing events.

What really happened?

The events of November-December 2004 that ended up being called the

Orange Revolution were the product of four factors that happened to
coincide at the right time for the right candidate.

First, Viktor Yushchenko chose as one of his slogans, “Let’s put the crooks
behind bars!” Of his handful of slogans, this was the most concrete. For one
thing, he was a man with a clean reputation. For another, he was running for
the presidency in the hopes of replacing a highly criminal regime, one that
most Ukrainians-including millions that had no interest in Mr. Yushchenko
himself or his party-were heartily sick of. So this slogan resonated
enormously with average Ukrainians, but especially with the growing middle
class.

Secondly, Mr. Yushchenko’s opponent, then-premier Viktor Yanukovych, was
closely tied to Donetsk strongman Rinat Akhmetov and had a very spotty past.
Indeed, by law, Mr. Yanukovych should never have been allowed to run for
mayor of a hamlet in Ukraine, let alone the highest post in the land because
he had done time twice as a young man, for assault and battery. A third case
against him was dismissed, apparently when a deal was cut with the judge.
Somehow, Mr. Yanukovych was “rehabilitated” and records of his jail time
disappeared, but a copy of the original records was found in Moscow. In
short, Mr. Yushchenko was running against a man with a jail record who was
supported by Ukraine’s old thieving guard.

Thirdly, the country’s micro, small and medium-sized business owners, who
formed the core of the growing middle-class, were tired of being shaken down
at every step. For the previous couple of years, since Mr. Yanukovych and
his pals had moved to Kyiv, Donetsk mobsters and racketeers had been shaking
down everybody from Sumy to Zakarpattia. Their typical M.O. was to come to
someone’s premises, march around and “assess the place,” and make the owner
a ridiculously low offer for their business or their premises. If the owner
rejected the offer, the heat was put on. Threats, beatings, and worse. Some
businesses were shut down on trumped up charges, others were vandalized or
even burned, but the Donetsk boys eventually got it their way. Most owners
capitulated quickly, knowing they had no choice.

Take Sumy. Sumy wasn’t actually Yushchenko-friendly country, although he

is actually from there. In the last elections to the Verkhovna Rada, they had
given him the complete cold shoulder. But Sumy businesses were feeling the
choke from the southeast and they had had it. Rumor was that the Donetsk
boys were starting to squeeze out even kiosk owners at local markets. So
Sumy voted more than 70% for Mr. Yushchenko in all three rounds.

Finally, for the previous decade and a half, ever since the hunger strikes
of 1990, there was a group of hardcore Ukrainians who continued to build a
national democratic support movement. These were people with experience with
the student hunger strikes and later the unsuccessful “Kuchma-Out!” movement
in 2001. They had learned some lessons from both their successes and their
failures. They knew how to set up tent cities, how to control a crowd, how
to plan large-scale demonstrations. As one of their senior people puts it,
“We were ready for the concluding phase of Ukraine’s independence process.”

In short, these four factors created the circumstances under which the
Orange Revolution could take place.

Weeping and gnashing of terms

Now, going on a year later, there is much wringing of hands and crocodile
tears about the supposed failure of the revolution.

Let’s take the term “revolutsia.” Was this a real revolution? By historical
measures, no. There was no radical change of the status quo from top to
bottom or the introduction of a radically new system. What this really was,
was an insurrection of the middle class. Ordinary Ukrainians saw that they
were about to be defrauded of legitimate succession and to be stuck with a
president who was a gangster with a penchant for using his fists to settle
differences. It was the last straw. They stood up and said, “We’ve had it
and we aren’t going to take it any more!”

The trouble with insurrections is that they are largely spontaneous events,
with little thought beforehand (being colossally fed up does not constitute
laying the groundwork for a well-planned strategic move), and almost as
little afterwards.

What was lacking was follow-through on the part of the participants. On

the part of those who led the insurrection, this was the capacity to put
disciplined professionals in key positions and to change a corrupt system
effectively. On the part of those who joined the insurrection, this was the
capacity to change themselves to support a change in the system. When
Mr. Yushchenko was finally inaugurated on January 23, 2005, how many
Ukrainians actually made a vow to change their own behavior from then
on? To be honest, to be fair and to pay their lawful taxes?

Of course, everyone was disenchanted.

The term “rozcharuvannia” (disenchantment) has been the subject of opinion
polls probably since the second month Mr. Yushchenko was in office. Aside
from the fact that if you repeat something often enough in the press and
other media, people are likely to start to believe it, being disenchanted is
an interesting state to be in. In Ukrainian, as in English,
“dis-enchantment” has the same root as “echantment”-the state of being
altered by a charm or spell. When people talk about being in love, they
often find their beloved “enchanting,” they are “spellbound” by the other.
Yet, most of us understand that this feeling is based on illusions, on
making an idol or ideal out of the object of love-and that it is bound to
lead to disappointment (dis-enchantment). What is more, most of us

recognize it as an immature, unrealistic response in the real world.

The same can be said of those who are feeling “disenchanted” by the results
of the “Orange Insurrection” in Ukraine. Disenchantment is no more than a
good dose of reality, a dropping of the blinders, the illusions that we
ourselves invented. Once reality has been faced, there is a good chance that
a normal relationship can develop if there is some goodwill on both sides.

One of the aspects of this more realistic approach is the understanding that
putting crooks in jail is no simple matter if those crooks happened to be
running the country and had all the leverage that that entails to fix the
system to suit their needs. This brings us around to the term, “repressia,”
meaning political persecution.

Since putting crooks behind bars was one of the main promises Mr.

Yushchenko made, his law enforcement people have been working to do
so since Day One. So far, without much success. For one thing, most of
the biggest fish that need to be fried are part of the previous regime. But
big-time crooks are good at covering their tracks, even in the private sector.
It took the US years to put Bernie Ebbers of Worldcom behind bars. Ditto
any number of other high-profile crooks like Michael Milliken and the boss
of Tyco.

In Ukraine, rule of law is a nascent concept, not a tried-and-true system.
What’s more, the biggest crooks were in high office where they could not
only shred and burn incriminating evidence, but they could fix laws and
regulations to suit their needs, disappear their ill-gotten gains at will to
offshore accounts, and generally operate a chain-of-command so complex

and sweeping that there could be 100 intermediaries between those who
executed a given crime, such as a murder, and those who actually ordered it.

Still, there were some obvious and very public crimes committed in Ukraine
that surely could have been handled swiftly and firmly. But here, the newly
ordained opposition began to scream, “repression!” Last time I looked in a
dictionary, political persecution means going after someone who didn’t
necessarily do anything wrong simply because you didn’t like his politics.
This certainly doesn’t mean that every time the defendant is an opposition
politician that it’s a case of persecution (Logic 101). If there was a
crime, particularly a serious one, it’s irrelevant what the person’s
political persuasions were. If publically declaring that the region you are
governor of will no longer remit its taxes to the Treasury is a crime under
the Constitution of Ukraine, then you should go to jail, whether you were
governor of L’viv or governor of Kharkiv when you said it.

On this last one, the press and the pundits have sinned most of all. They
remind me of the Cheshire Cat in Alice in Wonderland, who believed that

you can make words mean whatever you want them to. “The question is,
who shall be the master?” was the Cat’s argument. No, the question is, are
you interested in communicating or obfuscating?

Sleeve-rolling time

In the interest of communicating, I’d like to sum up what I consider to be
the achievements of the October “insurrection:”
. greater flow of information, especially as regards those who govern
the country;
. less political (as opposed to bureaucratic) interference in business;
. awareness among Ukrainians that they are a people who can stand up

for what they consider important-and do so without bloodletting.

This is what I believe hasn’t been achieved yet and needs to be done if
there is to be long-term gain from all this pain:
. disciplined, professional, properly paid civil servants, including
judges and cops, who will work for the greater (public) good;
. conditions for small and medium business, which is the backbone of a
healthy economy, to work properly. This doesn’t mean no one will go
bankrupt-but it means that they will do so because of their own mistakes,
not because of tax pressures or political flak;
. grass-roots change, both at the individual (personal) level and at the
local (political) level. If you were able to stand up and be counted in the
nation’s capital, surely you can stand up and be counted in your own
neighborhood.

That should put paid to all the nonsense about revolutsia, rozcharuvannia
and repressia. -30-
——————————————————————————————
Lidia Wolanskyj, Ukraine, lidia@ln.ua.
——————————————————————————————–
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
7. UKRAINE: VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO’S FIRST YEAR IN OFFICE:
A WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: Taras Kuzio, PhD
Visiting Professor, Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies,
Elliott School of International Studies, George Washington University
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Issue 604, Article 7

Washington, D,C. Monday, November 21, 2005

The Orange Revolution began in Ukraine after massive election fraud in
round two of the presidential elections brought hundreds of thousands of
Ukrainians on to the streets of Kyiv. After weeks of protests and a repeat
election, the pro-reform candidate, Viktor Yushchenko, was elected
president.

Ukraine’s Orange Revolution has become an inspiration for other oppositions
in authoritarian regimes, inspiring revolutions in Kyrgyzstan and Lebanon.
Civil society activists in Russia, Azerbaijan and Belarus routinely wear
Orange symbols.

President Yushchenko told the BBC that his country has, “set a good example
for the millions of people who still cherish freedom and democracy”.

In the first year of the Orange Revolution, Ukraine has made considerable
progress in fifteen areas while progress has been disappointing in seven.

To keep this relative progress going beyond the 2006 parliamentary
elections, the Orange coalition should re-unite President Viktor Yushchenko’s
People’s Union-Our Ukraine and former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko’s
bloc.

Only through the re-unification of the Orange coalition can a pro-reform
parliamentary majority be created that will continue to promote Ukraine’s
reform and Euro-Atlantic integration.
AREAS OF PROGRESS, OR PENDING PROGRESS
FIRSTLY, human rights and democratization. As the EU has noted, Ukraine’s
Orange Revolution and election of Yushchenko has put the country back on its
democratic track which had been stalled in Leonid Kuchma’s second term.

Since the late 1990s most CIS states have evolved towards authoritarian
regimes and ‘managed democracies’. Ukraine would have entered such a path if
Viktor Yanukovych had been elected Ukraine’s president.

The Donetsk region he governed from 1997-2002 was Ukraine’s best example

of a regional ‘managed democracy’ ruled by one oligarch, one party and one
television channel. A recent EU report noted that there are no systematic
human rights violations in Ukraine.

In August 2005 a Kyiv Post editorial wrote that the Ukrainian government is
a, ‘mismatched and inefficient collection of true reformers, idealists,
ambitious operators, bunglers, and schemers, but are not sinister’.

SECONDLY, civic empowerment. The Orange Revolution represented

the largest civic action in Europe since the Velvet Revolution brought
down Communist rule in Czechoslovakia in 1989.

Ukraine’s revolution was the third in a string of what became known as
“colored evolutions”, beginning with Serbia in 2000 and Georgia in 2003.
Following Ukraine, revolutions have taken place in Kyrgyzstan and

Lebanon.

The number of Ukrainians who took part in Orange protests is huge.
Throughout the country, one in five Ukrainians took part in protests locally
or in Kyiv. In Kyiv itself, 48 percent of its 2.5 million population took
part in the Orange Revolution.

A September 2005 poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology asked
if Ukrainians were ready to defend their civil rights? 51 per cent said ‘Yes’
(and only 22 percent ‘No’). In western and central Ukraine this was as high
as 65 percent.

One should compare this empowerment with the low level of efficacy,
despondency and pessimism found among Ukrainians in the Kuchma era. 90
percent of Ukrainians then did not feel they could exert any influence on
the central or local authorities.

Civic participation in the Orange Revolution changed Ukrainians and Ukraine.
The protests transformed the Soviet-era relationship of subjects working for
the state into citizens who demand that the state works for them.

Ukrainians, who were traditionally viewed as passive by Soviet and
post-Soviet rulers, are unlikely to remain passive. Opinion polls since the
Orange Revolution show that a large majority remain committed to defending
their civic rights if they are again threatened.

President Yushchenko said in October 2005 that, ‘The processes that have
occurred in the nation is a wholly positive process. You have become
different. The nation has become different. We have all become different.
The revolution brought freedom to Ukraine’.

THIRDLY, democratic political system. In early 2006, Ukraine will change to
a parliamentary-presidential system commonly found in central Europe and the
Baltic states. These parliamentary systems have assisted in these countries
democratic progress and Euro-Atlantic integration.

Presidential systems, that are commonly found in Russia and the CIS, have
led to authoritarian regimes and executive abuse of office. Executive abuse
of office was rife under Ukraine’s outgoing President Kuchma.

FOURTHLY, media freedom. Ukraine’s media environment has been

transformed. The Social Democratic united Party has lost control over
three television channel’s it controlled (State Channel 1, 1+1, Inter).

Other channels controlled by Viktor Pinchuk (ICTV, STB, Novyi Kanal),

have become more balanced in their coverage. The de-monopolization and
democratization of Ukrainian television should be continued.

The internet received a major boost from the 2004 elections. The Orange
Revolution has been described as the world’s first ‘Internet Revolution’.
Today, nearly 20 percent of Ukrainians use the internet regularly,
particularly young people.

International media watchdogs, such as Reporters Without Frontiers, have
recorded considerable improvement this year in Ukraine’s media freedom.
Ukraine’s ranking (112) in the 2005 Annual Worldwide Press Freedom

Index is far higher than Russia’s (138) or Belarus’ (152).

Ukrainian journalists now work in a freer environment, no longer fearful of
arrest or violence. Gone are the temnyky censorship instructions issued by
Kuchma’s administration to television stations.

Journalists and the public have increased trust in the media. Between
September 2004 and September of the following year trust increased for the
most biased and censored television stations (State Channel 1, 1+1, Inter)
controlled by the Social Democratic united Party under Kuchma.

FIFTHLY, political parties. The Socialists, allied to President Yushchenko
since the Orange Revolution, are now the leading left-wing party, rather
than the Communists whose allegiance to the Ukrainian state was always
suspect. The Communist Party will only have approximately 30 seats in the
2006 parliament, down from 120 in the 1998.

Formerly pro-Kuchma centrists are in disarray. Only one of the three large
centrist parties from the Kuchma era (Regions of Ukraine) will enter the
2006 parliament. The Social Democratic United and Labor Ukraine parties

each have ratings of 1 percent.

Social Democratic united Party leader Viktor Medvedchuk has a -60 percent
negative rating, because he headed the presidential administration during
the last two years of Kuchma’s rule.

Relations between Medvedchuk’s Social Democratic United party and Regions
of Ukraine is poor, as the Donetsk clan and Yanukovych believe
Kuchma-Medvedchuk ‘betrayed’ them during the Orange Revolution.

SIXTHLY, corruption. Ukraine under Kuchma was internationally perceived

as a highly corrupt state that flaunted its own laws as well as international
norms and sanctions.

The first year of the Yushchenko administration has seen Ukraine moving from
the virtual struggle against corruption under Kuchma to a modest attempt at
battling this problem. 4,500 regulations to register businesses, which were
a source of corruption, have been annulled.

There is now a single window to register businesses and a single window to
clear customs. Previously a new business venture had to seek permits from 34
structures, which bred corruption.

52 percent of Ukrainians believe some progress has taken place but more
needs to be undertaken. Transparency International, a think tank researching
corruption around the world, has recorded gains in Ukraine this year.

Its 2005 Corruption Perceptions Index provides evidence that policies
introduced this year to battle corruption are producing results. Ukraine’s
improved ranking, ‘resulted in an increased sense of optimism regarding
governance and corruption in Ukraine’.

The successful re-privatization of Kryvorizhstal last month for $4.8 billion
to a Dutch company, six times what was paid for it by Ukrainian oligarchs
close to Kuchma in 2004, has been internationally praised for its
transparency.

Ukraine’s oligarchs, the mainstay of the Kuchma regime, have been warned
that their days of a cozy and corrupt relationship with the executive are
over under Yushchenko.

SEVENTH, oligarchs (‘robber barons’). The time when oligarchs could earn
high rents from a corrupt and close relationship with the executive is over.
The Yushchenko administration has outlined a ‘deal’ whereby in exchange for
no further re-privatizations, oligarchs now have to evolve into law abiding
businessmen.

This means an end to corrupt business practices, moving their business
activities out of the shadow economy and increasing their tax payments.

EIGHT, social welfare. The minimum pension was increased to the same level
as the minimum wage. Wages for those employed by the state increased by 57
percent. Social welfare spending, including child support to encourage
Ukraine to move out of its demographic crisis, has grown in 2005 by 73
percent.

NINTH, national integration. Unlike former Presidents Leonid Krawchuk and
Kuchma, President Yushchenko is committed to nation building and an
evolutionary affirmative action for the Ukrainian language. The Kuchma
regime, as evidenced during the 2004 elections, played on Ukraine’s regional
divisions to encourage regional conflict between western and eastern
Ukraine.

TENTH, religious freedom. The Ukrainian (Uniate) Catholic Church has moved
its headquarters to Kyiv, a move that would have been hampered under Kuchma.
Prospects for the unification of the Orthodox Churches in Ukraine are now
far greater.

Former President Kuchma talked of unifying the Orthodox Churches but never
undertook any action and, in reality, leaned towards the Russian Orthodox
Church.

ELEVENTH, divergence with Russia. In the same year (2004) that Ukraine
experienced a democratic breakthrough, Russia fell further into an
autocratic abyss.

In the aftermath of Russian fraudulent parliamentary and presidential
elections, the New York-based human rights think tank Freedom House
downgraded Russia from ‘partly free’ to ‘unfree’, the first time Russia has
been given this category since the collapse of the USSR.

Russia is undergoing a ‘crisis of liberalism’ at a time when Ukraine has a
liberal politician in power. In Russia, liberals were in power in the early
1990s but have been progressively marginalized ever since.

In Ukraine the former ‘national communists’ (Krawchuk, Kuchma), who

became centrists allied to oligarchs, were in power until 2004. The election
of Yushchenko is the first time the liberal camp has taken power in Ukraine.

The 2004 breakthrough, ‘reinvigorated and jumpstarted the democratic
political development’ of Ukraine, Freedom House concluded. Ukraine

recorded significant progress in four areas: Electoral Process, Civil Society,
Independent Media, and the Judicial Framework.

In the same year, Russia registered the greatest decline of any country in
the Nations in Transit survey. This decline was in the very same four areas
in which Ukraine registered progress.

Ukraine’s ‘Democracy Score’ (4.5) is better than Russia’s at 5.61 or Belarus’s
at 6.64, out of a range of 1-7 with 7 the worst score. But, Ukraine’s 4.5
score is also moving closer to Croatia’s at 3.75, which is a possible
candidate for EU membership in 2007 alongside Romania (3.39) and Bulgaria
(3.18).

Of the four coloured revolutions, Ukraine’s Democracy Score is the same as
Serbia’s (3.75) and improved on Georgia’s (4.96) and Kyrgyzstan’s (5.64).

TWELFTH, security forces. The Interior Ministry, under its energetic
Minister Yuriy Lutsenko, has pushed through 5,000 voluntary resignations,
2,000 have failed to pass their personal certification and 400 have been
charged. Similar clean ups are being undertaken in the Customs and Tax
services.

THIRTEENTH, foreign policy. Under Yushchenko, Ukraine’s foreign policy

will be driven by national interests and not the personal whims of the
president and his oligarch allies. For the first time, Ukraine’s foreign policy
is ideologically driven in its ‘Return to Europe’ formulation.

By the March 2006 elections, Ukraine will have achieved progress in two
areas. First, the lifting of the Jackson-Vanik amendment. Second, free
market status granted by the EU and USA.

A third step, WTO membership, is likely to be achieved in 2006. In the
second half of 2006 an invitation from NATO inviting Ukraine into a
Membership Action Plan is also likely if Ukraine holds free elections.

This progress would follow upon greatly improved relations with the USA
after President Yushchenko’s visit to the USA in April 2005. Ukraine under
Yushchenko will be a real strategic partner of the USA in a wide range of
international issues, ranging from the global war on terrorism, combating
proliferation, Iraq, and democracy promotion.

[FOURTEENTH] Finally, free elections. Outgoing Prime Minister

Tymoshenko said that, ‘The Orange Revolution has changed our country.
Politicians understand that the people won’t accept fraud. Vote rigging
now is just as unrealistic as anti-corruption investigations were in the
Kuchma era’.

Elections in Ukraine, as throughout the CIS, became progressively unfree
since the late 1990s. Ukraine’s last free election was in 1994. The
culmination of this process was the 2004 presidential elections which were
denounced by the international community as not free and fair. The return to
free elections would prove to the West that Ukraine had resumed its
democratic path.
PROBLEM AREAS
FIRSTLY, market economic reform. Quarrels among senior Orange leaders
during, coupled with expensive social policies and unclear plans for
re-privatization, led to policy incoherence and government malaise. Economic
reform and privatization failed to become a government priority. Economic
growth slumped from 12% last year to only 3% this year, with August seeing
the first negative growth since 1999.

Yekhanurov will head the People’s Union-Our Ukraine bloc in the 2006
elections. This will be the first time that a Prime Minister heads an
election bloc in an election, both giving voters the chance to decide for
themselves about the achievements, or otherwise, of the government and for
the government to take responsibility for its actions in a free and fair
election.

SECOND, rule of law. The National Security and Defense Council under Petro
Poroshenko pressured the legal system and courts. Poor personnel policy led
to the continuation of Sviatoslav Piskun as Prosecutor, and Roman Zvarych as
Justice Minister.

Piskun returned to his position on December 10, 2004 two days after
parliament and president ratified the ‘compromise packet’ that allowed
Ukraine to hold a re-run on December 26. Piskun was only finally released in
October 2005 after being accused of thwarting investigations into high
ranking Kuchma officials.

Zvarych’s short period as Justice Minister was dogged by scandal. His
curriculum vitae was shot full of deception which he refused to acknowledge.
His claims to have an MA and PhD from Columbia University proved to be
false.

Zvarych also had no legal training. His replacement, Serhiy Holovatiy, is a
far better choice with a positive track record from the 1990s when he was
Justice Minister in 1995-1997.

THIRD, divisions and ‘betrayal’. The Ukrainian public finds it difficult to
accept a split in Orange ranks. As a Financial Times (October 17, 2005)
editorial wrote, ‘A Yushchenko-Yulia Tymoshenko coalition remains the best
chance for a reformist, Western-oriented government’.

After the 2006 elections, Yushchenko’s People’s Union-Our Ukraine will have
a choice of creating a parliamentary majority with either Tymoshenko or
Yanukovych. A pro-reform parliamentary majority would only be possible if
the choice was in favor of Tymoshenko, not Yanukovych.

The signing of a Memorandum between President Yushchenko and Regions

of Ukraine leader Yanukovych has led to feelings of ‘betrayal’ of the Orange
Revolution ideals. In Kyiv, 25 percent believe that Yushchenko ‘betrayed’
the Orange Revolution, while only 6 thought it was Tymoshenko.

The signing of the Memorandum with Yanukovych portrayed an image of

weakness to the opposition. The additional votes received from the signing
of the Memorandum would not have been required if the first parliamentary
vote for Yekhanurov’s candidacy had succeeded.

It failed by 3 votes because President Yushchenko had been in the USA for
four days prior to instead of taking care of business at home; that is,
ensuring parliament approved his choice for Prime Minister.

FOURTH, poor leadership. Yushchenko has traveled abroad far too much

in his first year, a factor he himself recognized only late in the year. His
hands off style of leadership is very different to that of the micro manager
Kuchma.

This has led to only sporadic interventions when crises have emerged in May
or September 2005, prior to which the president was unwilling to take tough
decisions.

Yushchenko’s lateness for meetings, often two hours or more, and even with
important VIP’s, has become legendary. Another problem has been a lack of
consistency in policies and statements. In both these cases, Yushchenko’s
support staff are partly to blame.

His press department has a poor reputation in the West and his state
secretariat under Oleksandr Zinchenko (January-September 2005) did not
function in the manner in which a president needs it to.

FIFTH, two governments. Poroshenko, as secretary of the National Security
and Defense Council, acted as a second government, obstructing and
interfering in areas beyond his remit while ignoring others in national
security which were.

The additional powers given to the National Security and Defense Council
were unconstitutional. Poroshenko has been accused of interfering in the
rule of law and media by acting as a ‘grey cardinal’, similar to Medvedchuk
as head of the presidential administration.

SIXTH, no break with the ancien regime. By the first anniversary of the
Orange Revolution no senior official from the Kuchma regime has been

charged with abuse of office, corruption, election fraud or the Georgi
Gongadze murder.

The organizers of the Gongadze murder have still to be accused. Former
Interior Minister Yuriy Krawchenko committed suicide while General Oleksiy
Pukach fled abroad.

Other senior Kuchma officials were permitted to flee to Russia or the USA.
Only the USA has arrested one of these officials, Volodymyr Shcherban, while
Russia has continued to provide protection. There has also been no progress
into the investigation into the poisoning of Yushchenko in September 2004.

SEVENTH, business allies. The businessmen surrounding Yushchenko were only
removed after accusations were made against them by Zinchenko in September
2005. These businessmen, such as Poroshenko, had played an important role in
the 2004 elections and Orange Revolution in providing resources for the
Yushchenko campaign.

Poroshenko and Andrei Derkach, two ‘mini oligarchs’, provided resources to
support the only two television outlets available for the opposition
(Channel Five and Era TV respectively).

After his election, their continued presence in Yushchenko’s entourage
became problematical as Yushchenko’s image increasingly came to resemble
that of Kuchma’s of being surrounded by ‘oligarchs’. When asked if the new
authorities were different to Kuchma, 52 percent said ‘Yes’ in March while
only 37 percent continued to agree in September 2005.

Poroshenko’s image has suffered an appreciable decline. His negative ratings
are on a par with those of Medvedchuk and Kuchma. It would be a strategic
mistake to include him on the People’s Union-Our Ukraine 2006 election list.
But, mistakes are possible.

Although not returned as Justice Minister to the Yekhanurov government,
Zvarych was promoted to head the People’s Union-Our Ukraine 2006

election campaign.
CONCLUSION
Looking back over the first year of the Orange Revolution, it would be
wrong to paint it as either fully ‘white’ or ‘black’. There have been fifteen
positive steps and seven negative. That the positive outweigh the negative
shows that there are achievements to celebrate on November 22, 2005.

Yushchenko is committed to democratization, economic reform and
Euro-Atlantic integration. Yushchenko does not possess the necessary
political will to deal with high ranking officials from the Kuchma era. The
Memorandum with Yanukovych was a major strategic miscalculation.

Tymoshenko receives greater respect for her political skills. She is also
more credible in possessing the political will to bring to trial high
ranking officials from the Kuchma era. The organizers of the Gongadze

murder are more likely to be brought to trial by Tymoshenko than
Yushchenko.

Policy incoherence in the first nine months of the Orange Revolution are not
solely the fault of the Tymoshenko government. Other factors are the
creation of a parallel government in the National Security and Defense
Council led by Poroshenko, Yushchenko’s lack of leadership and inability to
take decisive decisions except in crises. His extensive travels abroad also
negatively affected domestic policies.

Both Yushchenko and Tymoshenko have positive and negative traits. If

the Orange coalition could re-unite during, or after the 2006 elections,
these traits could potentially balance against one another to promote a
reform agenda and Euro-Atlantic integration. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
Taras Kuzio, Visiting Professor, Institute for European, Russian and
Eurasian Studies George Washington University, Washington, DC.
Contact: e-mail: tkuzio@gwu.edu
——————————————————————————————–

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8. UKRAINE: ONE YEAR ON, THE ORANGE UPRISING
LEAVES A BITTER AFTERTASTE
Infighting and widespread disillusionment mar anniversary of revolution

Tom Parfitt in Kiev, The Guardian
London, UK, Saturday November 19, 2005

It was late evening one year ago when the Ukrainian opposition leader,
Viktor Yushchenko, issued his rousing call for an uprising against the
skewed election.

Andriy Chuprin, a burly 43-year-old entrepreneur, heard the rallying cry to
Kiev’s rain-lashed Independence Square on television at home in the suburbs.
“I threw on my coat and took the last metro to Maidan,” he remembers.

Only Andriy and a handful of shivering protesters kept vigil on that first
night of November 21. But within days they were joined by half a million
banner-waving Ukrainians, screaming for the presidential election that had
awarded victory to prime minister Viktor Yanukovich to be overturned.
“We wanted to live in a new democratic country without corruption and
vote fraud,” says Andriy.

For weeks the “orange revolution” dominated headlines across the world. In
the end it swept Mr Yushchenko, a pro-western reformer, to the presidency.

Yet, one year on, the euphoria of that people-power victory has been
transformed into bitter disappointment. An opinion poll this week indicated
that 57% of Ukrainians think the orange promises have been broken. “It
turned out our new leaders acted the same old way as their predecessors,”
says Andriy.

For two and a half months, he and thousands of others camped out in Kiev,
refusing to accept Mr Yanukovich’s victory after monitors reported gross
election fraud. Dressed in the orange of Mr Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine party,
they cheered speeches by his charismatic ally Yulia Timoshenko, whose
striking looks and traditional peasant braid made her the icon of the
revolution.

The protesters were caked in grime, often cold and hungry, but their leaders
buoyed them up with vows to sweep away the hardline regime of outgoing
president and Soviet throwback Leonid Kuchma. “There was a great sense of
brotherhood and hope,” Andriy recalls.

Mr Yushchenko’s victory sent his supporters home in rude spirits. But with
revolutionary fervour seeping away, economic growth soon nosedived as
arguments emerged between the orange leaders over the country’s course.

The pro-Russian south and east of the country, which supported Mr
Yanukovich, retreated from threats to secede but claims of persecution
persisted. And in September the fragile unity of Mr Yushchenko’s team was
finally exploded when his chief of staff resigned, accusing key figures of
corruption.

The allegations – all denied and none yet proven – prompted two other
high-ranking politicians to resign before the president stepped in to
dismiss his prime minister, Ms Timoshenko, and her entire government.

It emerged that she had been locked in a battle for influence with her
one-time rival for the premiership, Petro Poroshenko, the head of the
national defence and security council.

Furious, Ms Timoshenko responded to her sacking by accusing the president
of “ruining our public unity” and promising to lead her parliamentary bloc
in elections next March.

Maidan veterans have been left bewildered at the split between the stars of
the protests, whose enmities are such that they have refused to stand
together on stage during anniversary celebrations on Tuesday. Oksana
Potapenko, 25, who helped coordinate supplies to the tent city, says: “A lot
of people think Yushchenko treated Timoshenko very shabbily. He’s not a
messiah any more.”

The president angered his supporters further when he signed a controversial
memorandum – giving, among other concessions, immunity from prosecution to
local councillors – with his former arch-foe, the pro-Russian Mr Yanukovich.

“You could call that agreement many things and betrayal is one of them,”
says Andriy Bondarenko, 34, an activist who pitched the first tent on Kiev’s
central street, Khreshchatyk. “We expected the bandits who led the election
fraud would be put behind bars but that didn’t happen because of political
deals behind the scenes.”

Claims that Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky funded the orange camp were
another blow. And Mr Yushchenko was forced to apologise for calling a
journalist an “information killer” for exposing the lavish lifestyle of the
president’s 19-year-old son.

In all, the scandals have put a big dent in Mr Yushchenko’s popularity. A
poll published this week showed support for his actions have plunged to
33%, down from 48% in February.

Oleksandr Zinchenko, the former presidential aide whose resignation
triggered the government crisis, holds firm to his allegations that senior
colleagues were running slush funds and extracting bribes from businessmen.

“After the revolution we faced a huge test because we received this massive
credit of trust and basically you could come into the office and do whatever
you wanted. That was the danger. And some people did not pass that test,”
he says.

As politicians compete for the mantle of the revolution, all eyes have
turned to the March elections. Recent constitutional changes mean a new
prime minister with greatly increased powers will be chosen by parliamentary
majority, making the campaign a scramble for power.

In the wake of their split, Mr Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine bloc on 13.5% and
the Timoshenko bloc on 12.4% now trail Mr Yanukovich, whose Party of the
Regions leads the polls with 17.5%.

At his headquarters in central Kiev, Mr Yanukovich is no longer the morose
figure who accepted defeat on New Year’s Eve. His back is stiffened and he
carries a new air of confidence.

“It was no surprise to me,” he says of the orange leaders’ messy break-up.
“I expected conflicts would arise, I just didn’t think it would happen so
soon.”

The anniversary will be a “shameful celebration” of a putsch, not a
revolution, he says. “They have successfully destroyed a well-functioning
economy. Excellent managers have been fired for their political beliefs.
Prices have risen with high inflation. Salary growth has slowed by 30%. It’s
a huge impact on the lives of ordinary people.”

Yet in Kiev a considerable minority say life has improved since the
revolution. “Back then we had just one choice and we made the right one,”
says Bondarenko, who plans to run for parliament. “Now at least we have
he beginnings of a new democracy.”

Serhiy Leshchenko, the Ukrainskaya Pravda journalist who broke the
scandal about Mr Yushchenko’s son, agrees. “Press freedom has increased
at least 500%.”

Mr Yushchenko’s new chief of staff, Oleh Rybachuk, claims the orange
leaders are regrouping. “The emotions have cooled. These are all
responsible politicians and they clearly understand that the March elections
will be the second part of the question, ‘Yes or no to the future of
Ukraine’s development?’ So, the team is getting back together.”

But many Ukrainians remain sceptical. Max, a taxi driver, recalled the
famous phrase of former Russian premier Viktor Chernomyrdin: “We
hoped for better, but it turned out like always.” -30-
————————————————————————————————
http://www.guardian.co.uk/ukraine/story/0,15569,1646246,00.html?gusrc=rss

——————————————————————————————-
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9. YEAR ON, MYSTERY STILL SHROUDS POISONING OF
UKRAINE’S PRESIDENT VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO

Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, Nov 20, 2005

KIEV – More than a year after Ukraine President Viktor Yushchenko ingested
a massive dose of dioxin, mystery still shrouds the poisoning that covered his
movie-star handsome face with scars and blisters.

“I am a man like any other. I’d like to wake up with a different face,”
Yushchenko told reporters recently. “But I know that tomorrow and the day
after tomorrow it will be the same. Only afterwards will it change.
Psychologically, it’s not easy to live because I’m not used to it.”

The poisoning of the popular opposition leader in the middle of last year’s
presidential election campaign played a key role during the “orange
revolution” protests that he launched against the entrenched regime after it
had rigged the results of the ballot.

To his supporters, Yushchenko’s scarred and bloated face served as a
potent symbol of that regime during the protests that captured headlines
both at home and abroad.

But nearly 10 months after Yushchenko assumed power, how and by
whom he was poisoned still remains unknown.

Yushchenko fell ill a day after having dinner with a former chief of
Ukraine’s SBU security service on September 5, 2004. His condition
steadily deteriorated until five days later he was rushed in critical
condition to a clinic in Austria where he remained for nearly three weeks.

The doctors there were initially baffled at what had caused the swelling of
his liver, pancreas and intestines and only in December announced that
Yushchenko had ingested a massive dose of dioxin, a toxin that can cause
cancer and death.

Yushchenko had been comfortably leading his election rival, then prime
minister Viktor Yanukovich, when he fell sick and his absence from the
stump weeks before the first round of voting saw Yanukovich — with
the state media’s overt help — make up a double-digit gap in opinion
polls and actually pull ahead.

Well before the final diagnosis from the Vienna clinic, Yushchenko accused
the former regime of being behind the incident.

“What happened to me was linked to a political regime in Ukraine,” he told
Ukrainian lawmakers, who were visibly shocked at his changed appearance,
days after returning home from the Austrian clinic.

“I believe now more and more that what happened to me was an act of a
settling of political scores,” Yushchenko said in early December. “The aim
was to kill me.”

During and immediately after the “orange revolution” speculations regularly
appeared in the press about the poisoning, including one that Russian secret
services were behind the affair.

But although Yushchenko at first hinted that the poison had come from
abroad, he later said that the laboratory that produced it was in fact in
Ukraine.

Yushchenko and his allies blame the lack of progress in the case on the
former prosecutor general, Svyatoslav Piskun, whom the president fired in
mid-October.

“I spoke with the ex-prosecutor general on this topic many times and he
assured me that everything was done as it should have been,” Oleg
Rybachuk, Yushchenko’s chief of staff, told AFP. “He simply lied.”

Piskun has denied such charges. “That is all lies and gibberish by those
who want to remove me,” he told reporters after his firing.

Meanwhile Yushchenko, who insists that he is in excellent health, continues
to undergo regular tests in a Swiss clinic and has recently submitted fresh
samples for the criminal investigation of the poisoning.

“I hope that with the change of the prosecutor general, the group that is
looking into this will be seriously changed,” he told AFP in an interview.
“Wherever the trail leads, the prosecutors should issue their verdict.”
—————————————————————————————–
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
10. FIVE “WHY’S” FOR PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO

COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: By Sergiy Soroka
Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, Nov 17, 2005

It has been three months from the moment of the official break-up in the
“Orange Team” — it appears the political lighthouse, having reached its
maximum of negative amplitude, began gradually to move in the opposite
direction.

After the first few months marked by indecision and confusion, the orange
supporters commenced their decision making mechanism vis-à-vis political
preferences, but at least a third are still in the state of contemplation
and doubts.

The supporters of both Yushchenko and Tymoshenko and those who have
not made up their minds, cannot but notice that somewhere and in something
we received not the president for whom we fought and in whom we believed.

It is impossible not to notice the difference between 1) the Yushchenko on
July 4th, 2004 at the rally in honor of his nomination for presidential
candidacy, 2) the Maidan Yushchenko during the Orange Revolution, and
3) the Yushchenko of today.

Where is the alacrity, the charisma, the confidence in victory (“I believe
in victory with every part of my soul”), the ability to form a single
effective team of strong individuals?

The issue lies not in the poisoning which deformed the outer appearance of
the current president, but in the fact that some personal or perhaps world
view changes occurred.

One gets the impression that after the victory in 2004, Yushchenko came out
morally and physically exhausted, which is absolutely natural; after all,
the fight was complicated and demanding. What is unnatural – is the lengthy
time of recovery.

How ought to feel a person who became the president of a great country, a
great people, and with a thousand year history?

Yesterday, you were a simple human being, one out of many, and today you
became a historical figure largely thanks to the fact that you were elected
president.

At the very least, this event has thrown you in the pages of this country’s
history, and maybe the history of the Europe and the World.

The question is: how worthy of a place will you take amid the ranks of
Ukrainian knyazs, hetmans or world leaders?

How much change occurs or should occur in the world view, internal
moral-ethical orientation of a person who becomes the first individual of
the state?

Especially when a great responsibility is placed on you for the fate of this
country and its almost 50 million citizens, as well as, numerous tasks of
organizational work which need to be accomplished in the quickest amount
of time.

What level of this stress can our mind withstand?

One wonders: was Kuchma, when he was the president, indifferent to
how his rule will be written in the textbooks of history?

It is hard to believe that a politician of such a level does not aspire to
retire feeling that his duty to the country was fulfilled and holding the
respect of majority in population (e.g. Havel, Valensa).

Would the apathy remain, if in the textbooks was written:

“Leonid Danylovych Kuchma, Prime Minister 1993-1994, President of
Ukraine 1994-2004 Ukraine under Kuchma can be described as the time
of lost opportunities, beating around the bush as well as vague and timid
foreign policy.

Kuchma’s Ukraine was a time of absent economic reforms, stagnation and
decline of the village, widespread severe corruption on every level and
sphere in government and society, and enrichment of oligarchs at the cost of
the majority of population.

During the period from 1995 to 2005, Ukraine was able to remain the European
leader for inflation and corruption while holding one of the worst records
in pension benefits and other social services towards the end of Kuchma’s
reign.

These factors caused a highly depressed level of trust amongst Ukraine’s
population towards Kuchma and his administration. In addition, the 2004
presidential campaign marred by manipulations to install Victor Yanukovych
resulted in what is known today as the Orange Revolution.”

I cannot believe that Yushchenko does not care or wonder about his future
image as written in the textbooks of Ukraine’s history.

[1] If he is concerned, WHY is the trust of the Ukrainian people so
frivolously and carelessly spent?

[2] WHY did Yushchenko forget that it is necessary to explain to the people
his every step, his every decision especially such key decisions as
appointments or dismissals of ministers, the general prosecutor, regional
governors, the head of the National TV company, a formal agreement with
the “blue-opposition,” or approving controversial legislation.

These significant decisions should be explained to the people who fought
for their right to choose, and who elected Yushchenko their president?

[3] WHY does it appear that the interests of Yushchenko’s immediate staff
and colleagues are often given preference to the interests of the country
and his political supporters?

Having received the position of the president and having given the oath
to the Ukrainian people,

[4] WHY did not Yushchenko abandon the personal
and crony interests for those of the state and the people?

[5] WHY did not Yushchenko immediately after the inauguration gather
all of his allies and said the following:

“From this day forward as the president of Ukraine, I carry the
responsibility only before the Ukrainian people and God for their fate and
the fate of the country. Accordingly, everything that I will do, I will do
so only in the interests of Ukraine and the people.

I ask your understanding and forgiveness if some of you do not receive a
position in my government which you may have expected.

Together, we did not fight for ministerial posts in my administration; we
fought for the opportunity to build a European country devoid of corruption
and crime, a country where every Ukrainian citizen is equal before the law.

From this day forward, the government will serve its citizens, not select
groups and clans.

During the time of my presidency, I ask all to forget that I may be a
brother, cousin or a god-father to you.

From this day forward and for everyone without exception, I am the
president of Ukraine.”

Victor Yushchenko already became part of history as the leader of
the Orange Revolution.

Regardless of victories, mistakes and failures thus far, the rest of history
is still being written. What will be written in the history textbooks of
Ukraine depends largely upon the president himself.

The choice is yours, Mr. President. -30-
—————————————————————————————-
English translation by Vitaliy Voznyak
LINK: http://www.pravda.com.ua/en/news/2005/11/17/4885.htm
—————————————————————————————–
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
11. UKRAINE: TYMOSHENKO WANTS UNITY TO DEFEAT RIVALS

Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, November 20, 2005

KIEV: Politicians who spearheaded last year’s “Orange Revolution” in
Ukraine must unite to bar an election comeback by the administration they
ousted, sacked prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko said yesterday.

Three days before Ukraine marks the anniversary of the mass protests,
Tymoshenko and officials of a party backing President Viktor Yushchenko
have pledged to mend a debilitating split which shattered public confidence
in the revolution’s leaders.

“I think we can unite before the elections or perhaps after them. I will
make every effort to unite our forces,” a beaming Tymoshenko told a
packed news conference. Ukrainians will vote in parliamentary elections
in March 2006.

“Revenge headed by (Viktor) Yanukovich as a possible candidate for prime
minister is very real. We must not let down our guard.”

Yanukovich, then prime minister and backed by Russia, was initially declared
the winner of the presidential election over the pro-Western Yushchenko. But
weeks of protests led to a Supreme Court decision annulling the vote on
grounds of mass fraud and Yushchenko won a re-run.

Tymoshenko was Yushchenko’s main ally, rousing crowds in Kiev’s
Independence Square, and was made premier in January.

Yushchenko fired her in September after months of in-fighting which split
the administration into two camps, each accusing the other of corruption.

Tymoshenko proclaimed herself a victim of intrigues and vowed to get
her job back by beating the president’s allies in poll next March. The
split badly dented the standing of both leaders.

Opinion surveys credit Yanukovich’s Regions Party, strongest in
Russian-speaking eastern Ukraine, with 20% support.

Tymoshenko’s Fatherland party enjoys 15-17% while Our Ukraine, linked
to the president, trails with 10-12%. Both derive much support from
nationalist western regions and the liberal stronghold of Kiev.

Our Ukraine voted on Friday to start talks on an electoral pact with
Tymoshenko’s camp.

“I think today we will meet and discuss the best way to pool our efforts,”
Tymoshenko said. “The election will not be easy. We will have two poles
again. But for us it is more difficult this time. We are not united and many
voters are disappointed.”

As politicians gear up for the anniversary festivities, voters who trudged
through snowy streets to the protests now express disillusion.

Prices of staples are on the rise and consumers have faced fuel and meat
shortages. Months of rows culminated in a slanging match in September
between top aides over alleged corruption.

Tymoshenko said unity could restore voters’ confidence.

“The revolution was not in vain. I believe it created a new country, a
new nation. We are ready for a political fight. And we are ready to win,”
Tymoshenko said, pledging to stand alongside Yushchenko at the
festivities. “I am sure the square will become another launching pad
for victory.” -30-
—————————————————————————————-
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
12. HUNDREDS OF LEFTISTS RALLY IN UKRAINE

By Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press Writer
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, November 20, 2005

KIEV, Ukraine — Hundreds of leftists waving Russian flags rallied in
Ukraine’s capital Sunday to condemn the country’s plans to celebrate
the anniversary of last year’s Orange Revolution.

“There is nothing to be proud of, we sold out our country,” Viktoriya
Vasilenko, 20, said as she shook wet snowflakes off her hat. She added
that President Viktor Yushchenko “is a traitor.”

The rally’s organizer, the radical Progressive Socialist Party, supports
warm ties with Russia and is wary of closer relations with the West.

Sunday’s protest came two days ahead of Ukraine’s official celebrations
marking the beginning of last year’s Orange Revolution mass protests,
which helped usher the pro-Western Yushchenko into power. Yushchenko
said Saturday he hopes to make Nov. 22 an annual holiday called Freedom
Day.

“Yushchenko out!” shouted hundreds of protesters, some carrying portraits
of Russian czars and Soviet dictator Josef Stalin. Representatives of losing
presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych handed out leaflets condemning
the holiday plan.

Vasilenko and her grandmother, Margarita, said they came to Sunday’s
protest because of their anger over last month’s sale of a Ukrainian steel
mill to the world’s largest steel producer, Mittal Steel. Mittal, a multinational
firm, bought the Kryvorizhstal mill for $4.8 billion in an open auction that
Yushchenko hailed as one of the biggest economic successes of his first
year in office.

“Why should we be selling our birthright to foreigners,” the grandmother
said. The Progressive Socialists had promised that Sunday’s rally would
attract some 25,000 people, but at its peak only a couple of thousand
gathered. -30-
—————————————————————————————
[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
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CORRECTION: The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) number 603,
published an article by Olena Geissbühler-Moyseyenko, Dr. Med.
on Sunday, November 20, 2005. The article number was number 5
and was titled Stalin’s Hidden Genocide. We listed a wrong e-mail
address for Olena. It should be egeissbuehler@freesurf.ch and not
egeissbudler@freesurf.ch. EDITOR
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———————————————————————————————
Director, Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA)
Coordinator, Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC)
Senior Advisor, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF)
Chairman, Executive Committee, Ukraine-U.S. Business Council
Publisher, Ukraine Information Website, www.ArtUkraine.com
Member, International Ukrainian Holodomor Committee
=======================================================
Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
=======================================================

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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 603

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

“Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World”

INTERNATIONAL DAY OF MEMORY – UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE

The Holodomor – “Famine-Terror Death for Millions” 1932-1933
Worldwide “Light-A-Candle” Campaign
Saturday, November 26, 2005

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” – Number 603
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
KYIV, UKRAINE, SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 2005

——–INDEX OF ARTICLES——–
“Major International News Headlines and Articles”

1. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT TO COMMEMORATE FAMINE VICTIMS
Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 18, 2005

2. ON COMMEMORATION OF FAMINE VICTIMS OF UKRAINE
DECREE OF THE PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE #1544/2005
Official Document in Ukrainian, President of Ukraine Official Website
[English translation by Heather Ferniuk for The Action Ukraine Report]
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 4, 2005

3. HOLODOMOR EXHIBITION: THE FIGHT TO STAY ALIVE
What Ukrainians were forced to eat to defy death by hunger
By E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, November 20, 2005

4. GREAT FAMINE/HOLODOMOR STATEMENT BY BORYS
WRZESNEWSKIJ, MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, CANADA
House of Commons Debates
Statements by Members, Volume 140 . Number 151
Ottawa, Canada, Thursday, November 16, 2005

5. “STALIN’S SECRET GENOCIDE”
The Great Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933
ARTICLE: Stalin’s Völkermord
By Olena Geissbühler-Moyseyenko, Dr. Med.
Article published in several Switzerland newspapers in German
Sigriswil, Switzerland, 24. August 2003 (translated 19.12.2004)

6. U.S. HOUSE AUTHORIZES ESTABLISHMENT OF A MEMORIAL
IN WASHINGTON ON FEDERAL LAND TO HONOR THE
VICTIMS OF THE 1932-1933 GENOCIDE IN UKRAINE
Similar bill must now pass the U.S. Senate
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, November 16, 2005

7. “WHY DID STALIN EXTERMINATE THE UKRAINIANS?”
By Stanislav Kulchytsky, Ph.D. (History), Three Parts
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #33, #34, #35
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, 25 October 2005,
1 November 2005, & 8 November 2005
========================================================
1
. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT TO COMMEMORATE FAMINE VICTIMS

Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 18, 2005

KYIV – On Friday, November 25, Victor Yushchenko will open an

exhibition dedicated to genocide famines in Ukraine.

Later that day, the Head of State will address the nation to urge all to
commemorate the famine victims on November 26 at 4 PM by lighting

candles all around the country.
This ceremony, Light a Candle, will take place in St. Sophia and St.
Michael Squares in Kyiv.

On Saturday, November 26, the President will take part in a ceremony to
plant a snowball-tree garden in the Glory Park and on the slopes of the
Dnieper river. Then he will attend a service for the dead and a requiem
concert at the opera house. -30-
——————————————————————————————-

FOOTNOTE: Report indicated that 33,000 candles will be lit, for
the first time ever, in the area between the St. Sophia and the St. Michael
Cathedral. Historians believe 33,000 persons were dying in Ukraine each
day at the height of the genocidal-famine (Holodomor) in the spring of
1933. If you can be in Kyiv on Saturday, November 26, be sure and
do not miss the lighting of the Holodomor candles. -30-
——————————————————————————————–

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2. ON COMMEMORATION [HONORING] OF FAMINE VICTIMS OF
UKRAINE DECREE OF THE PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE #1544/2005

Official Document, in Ukrainian, President of Ukraine Official Website
[English translation by Heather Ferniuk for The Action Ukraine Report]
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, November 4, 2005

ON COMMEMORATION OF FAMINE VICTIMS IN UKRAINE

With the goal of ensuring due commemoration [honoring] of famine
victims, restoration of historical justice, deep awareness in citizens of
the reasons for and effects of the genocide of the Ukrainian people,
and strengthening in society of intolerance towards any forms of
violence I order:

To establish that the enactment of concrete, active measure for the
honoring of famine victims and the support of persons who suffered
from the famines in Ukraine and the cultivation of respect for the historic
past and for people who lived through tragic pages in the history of the
Ukrainian people are priority tasks of the central and local organs of
executive power.

THE CABINET OF MINISTERS OF UKRAINE:

To take urgent measures for the acceleration of the preparation and
submission of draft legislation regarding a political-legal assessment of
the famines in the history of the Ukrainian people and the definition of
status of citizens who suffered from the famines;

To ensure the carrying out of additional measures regarding the recognition
by the international community of the famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine as a
genocide of the Ukrainian people and one of the greatest tragedies in the
history of mankind;

To ensure the proper organization of and the holding of a yearly Day of
Remembrance of Victims of the Famines and Political Repression with
participation of relevant public institutions and youth

To create in a two-week period an Organizational Committee for the
planning and executing of activities in conjunction with the 75th
anniversary of the 1932-1933 famines in Ukraine under the direction of
the Prime Minister of Ukraine, having included representatives of central
and local organs of executive power, organs of local self-government,
and civil organizations in the composition of the Organizational
Committee;

To ratify by the 20th of December 2005 a plan of activities for the years
2006-2008 in conjunction with the 75th anniversary of the 1932-1933
famines in Ukraine by submission of the indicated Organizational
Committee, having foreseen specifically the resolution of the question
regarding the erection in Kyiv of a Memorial in Remembrance of the
Famine Victims in Ukraine, and also memorials, monuments, and
commemorative signs in other populated areas of Ukraine, and also
the ordering of areas of burial of famine victims;

TO TAKE ACTIVE MEASURES FOR:

-the resolution of the question of creating a Ukrainian Institute of
National Memorial by the 20th of November 2005;

-the introducing of propositions on giving the National historical
preserves “Bukivnyans’ki graves” national status.

The Security Service of Ukraine to work through the issues of simplification
of the access procedure for representatives of NGOs, research institutions,
and scholars to archival materials that concern famine and political
repression issues in Ukraine, and in case of need introduce propositions
regarding the necessary changes in legislation.

The Head of the Secretariate of the President of Ukraine in a week’s time
to put forth propositions concerning the ceremonies of observing in Kyiv
and the regions of Ukraine the honoring of the memory of famine victims.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to ensure the holding of
activities related to the 2005 designation of a Day of Remembrance of
Victims of the Famines and Political Repression, specifically with the
participation of representatives of the Ukrainian community abroad.

The State Committee on Television and Radio of Ukraine to ensure wide
coverage in the mass media of activities related to the 2005-appointed Day
of Remembrance of Victims of the Famines and Political Repression, and
also preparation for the 75th anniversary of the 1932-1933 famine in
Ukraine, and to organize a series of thematic television and radio programs
and the publication of documents and materials about these tragic events.

The President of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko
November 4, 2005
———————————————————————————————
Presidential decree No. 1544, dated 11/04/05.
LINK: http://www.president.gov.ua/documents/3456.html.
———————————————————————————————
Official Document, in Ukrainian, President of Ukraine Official Website

[English translation by Heather Ferniuk for The Action Ukraine Report]

——————————————————————————————–
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3. HOLODOMOR EXHIBITION: THE FIGHT TO STAY ALIVE

What Ukrainians were forced to eat to defy death by hunger
By E. Morgan Williams, Publisher & Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Sunday, November 20, 2005
KYIV – On Friday, November 25, the President of Ukraine will open an
exhibition at the Ukrainian House in Kyiv about the Ukrainian Genocide –
the Holodomor- Famine-Terror Death for Millions, of 1932-1933 imposed
on the Ukrainian nation by the Soviet government of Josef Stalin.
Part of that major exhibition will feature a series of 85 graphics, linocuts,
by Mykola Mykhaylovych Bondarenko, Ukrainian graphic artist from the
village of Dmytrivka in the Sumy Oblast.
The artworks answer the question as to what people, when their entire
normal supply of food was stolen away by the Soviets were forced to
eat in their frantic attempt to defy death by hunger. This will be the
first exhibition of these artworks in Ukraine. Mr. Bondarenko, born in
1949, will be present at the Holodomor Exhibition.
Oleksander Kapitonenko, Simferopol, in a preface to a book about
the Bondarenko graphics, published by the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
of the USA wrote: “From early childhood, Mykola Mykhaylovych
(Bondarenko) loved to listed to the old people reminiscing about village
life in the olden days.
Having learned about the famine, he attempted to reproduce it graphically,
but was not satisfied with the few sketches he made. The artist wished to
tell about this tragedy in his own, different way.
He considered the fact, that although entire families and entire villages
were annihilated by the famine, some individuals managed to survive.
What was it that helped them defy death by hunger?
He went around [for five years from 1988-1993] questioning the old-
timers [famine survivors in his district] who told him about their
unbelievable “menu”.
Thus he found the answer to his question; he decided to portray not
the emaciated [dying] peasants, but rather the “food” which they were
forced to ingest in order to [attempt] to survive.
At first he tried to paint several of the more common weeds which
were consumed by the starving people, raw or prepared. Then he
turned to producing a series of graphical depictions of other
vegetation.
His sketchbooks contain drawings from nature of coughgrass, clover,
hemp, sweet-flag, burdock, rush (cane), nettle, thistles, lime tree and
acacia buds, from which engravings have been made.
Almost each engraving depicts a window, the cross-like frame of which
symbolizes the heavy cross, carried by those condemned to death.
Every windowpane symbolized the hope to survive the famine.
On such a background are depicted weeds and some other plants
consumed by the starving people during those horrible times. On
the right windowpane is the “recipe” for preparing this ersatz food.
Several of the engravings show the self-made tools, which helped
the peasants to chop, grind, sieve, squeeze, and other prepare the
weeds [most of them not really digestible in natural form]. To own
such tools meant risking one’s life.
The most touching and alarming for the viewer are the depictions
of domestic animals – a cat, or a dog, fleeing to who knows where,
so that they would not be caught and eaten; carcasses of dead cows
or horses, which the starved populace did not hesitate to eat, and the
panicked eyes of fledgling birds in a nest, which is about to be robbed
by the hand of a starving person.
Noticeable is these engravings is the absense of any accusations of
those who wrote the scenario of the famine, and of those who only
too eagerly helped in this criminal action.
Only the sickles and hammers on the iron rods with which the
village activists [many sent to Ukraine by Stalin for this purpose]
probed everywhere in, looking for hidden food of the peasants,
point to the cause of the famine. [There are also two very small
red stars near the bottom of each side of every graphic which gives
another clue as to the perpetrators of the genocide against the
Ukrainian people.]
And, also, the blood on the knife blade [found in one of the graphics]
reminds the viewer that we are dealing with a horrible crime.” [by
Oleksander Kapitonenko, Simferopol in 2003]
The Exhibition of the artworks by Bondarenko is being sponsored by
the Dr. James Mace Holodomor Memorial Fund of the Ukrainian
Federation of America, Zenia Chernyk, Chairperson; Vera M.
Andryczyk, President; Huntingdon Valley, Pennsylvania; The Bleyzer
Foundation, Michael and Natasha Bleyzer and the Bleyzer Family,
Houston, Texas and Kyiv, Ukraine; Ukrainian Orthodox Church of
the USA, Archbishop Antony, South Bound Brook, New Jersey;
David Holpert, W J Grain, Kyiv; David and Tamara Sweere,
Kiev-Atlantic, Kyiv; Eugenia Dallas; Helen and Alex Woskob;
and the Bahrainy Foundation, Anatol Lysyj, Chairman.
The Bondarenko Exhibition is being arranged by Morgan Williams,
SigmaBleyzer, on behalf of the International Ukrainian Genocide-
Holodomor Committee and designed by Volodymyr and Irina
Veshtak, expert graphic artists, Kyiv, Ukraine.
The exhibition at the Ukrainian House will feature several hundred
other works about the Holdomor including paintings, posters,
photos, documents, and other graphic material. -30-
—————————————————————————————-
FOOTNOTE: A book showing the Bondarenko artworks, “Ukraine
1933; A Cookbook, Linocuts by Myklola Bondarenko” published by
the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the USA, South Bound Brook,
New Jersey in 2003, in remembrance of the millions of Ukrainians
who perished during the Great Famine of Ukraine in 1932-1933 is
still available. For information about how to purchase the book please

http://www.blogger.com/

—————————————————————————————–
NOTE: The Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA) is accepting
donations to assist in the cost of the genocide/holodomor/famine
commemorations in Kyiv this month. The Federation needs
to quickly raise several thousand more dollars for expenses related
to the Holodomor Exhibition to be held in the Ukrainian House.
Donations can be made to the Ukrainian Federation of America
and sent to the Federation at 930 Henrietta Avenue, Huntingdon
Valley, PA 19006. Please designate your donation for the Dr.

—————————————————————————————-

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4. GREAT FAMINE/HOLODOMOR STATEMENT BY BORYS
WRZESNEWSKIJ, MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, CANADA

House of Commons Debates
Statements by Members, Volume 140 . Number 151
Ottawa, Canada, Thursday, November 16, 2005

GREAT FAMINE/HOLODOMOR
Mr. Borys Wrzesnewskyj (Etobicoke Centre, Lib.): Mr. Speaker, November

marks one of the greatest tragedies in human history, when 7 to 10 million
members of farm families which had just brought in record harvests, were
deliberately starved to death in the breadbasket of Europe by the Soviet
regime in 1932-33.

The Stalinist regime perpetrated the Great Famine/Holodomor by making

food illegal in Ukraine’s countryside. Red Brigades under the direction of
Lazar Kaganovich seized grain, prevented the starving population from
leaving the countryside and then sent the food to the West for export. This
was done to eliminate resistance to the forced collectivization of agriculture
and to destroy Ukraine’s national identity.

On the eve of the 70th anniversary of Holodomor, the UN declared a week

of commemoration in memory of the victims of the Great Famine in Ukraine.

I join all members of the House in calling upon the Government of Canada

to recognize the Holodomor of 1932-33 in Ukraine and to condemn this
genocidal act of inhuman brutality by Stalin and his henchmen. -30-
———————————————————————————————–
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========================================================
5. “STALIN’S SECRET GENOCIDE”
The Great Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933

ARTICLE: Stalin’s Völkermord
By Olena Geissbühler-Moyseyenko, Dr. Med.
Article published in several Switzerland newspapers in German
Sigriswil, Switzerland, 24. August 2003 (translated 19.12.2004)

Seventy years ago the greatest Genocide of the last century took place in
Ukraine. In 1932/1933 millions of Ukrainian farmers starved, were
arbitrarily shot or died during the deportation.

Ukraine was in 1933 a death camp of unbelievable extent. 45 millions of
people suffered hunger and as many as 11 million died of starvation, were
shot dead or died during the deportation. The exact numbers is unknown.

After the fall of the Soviet Union 12 years ago however many authentic
records were discovered in the archives and published, accounts of the
Russian communist party and of the Bolshevistic government agencies, but
also secret documents of the German Foreign Office. In accordance with
today’s estimation over eleven million people died because they opposed
communism.

This famine took place in Ukraine, in the wheat chamber Europe’s. The
famine was not caused by a natural disaster, or by drought or epidemic,
the famine was not the consequence of war. The famine was Stalin’s
deliberately produced, carefully plannd and consequently executed
action.

This famine had mainly political reasons. On the one hand it concerned
the collectivisation of the agriculture; Stalin had to break the massive and
unexpected resistance of the Ukrainian farmers against the collectivisation,
in truths expropriation, as well as their opposition to the muscovite
politics of colonial exploitation.

On the other hand the Ukrainian nationalism, the desire of the Ukrainian to
re-establish their independence, independence and liberty, had to be
defeated, and the cultural and social life, the basis of the Ukrainian
Resistance had to be destroyed and the wealthy and independent farmers
subjugated.

With the collectivisation of the agriculture, the whole production came
under the control of Stalin. The delivery ratios for cattle and grain were
determined. In order to break the massive resistance of the Ukrainian people
were the already excessive quotas in 1932 massively increased and special
deliveries additional ordered.

If the delivery ratios were not fulfilled, and they could not be fulfilled,
the farmers were accused of sabotage and all food, inclusive seeds were
confiscated, mass arrests, deportation and executions ensued. The
resistance of the farmers was defined as sabotage.

The desperate people, who in order to survive hid some grain, were
eliminated and house searches and inspection by brigades fanatical young
communists were regular performed. The punishment for such “theft of
socialist property” was arbitrary shooting or deportation.

Children, who betrayed their parents, were declared “heroes of the Soviet
Union. While the people died of starvation, the grain was sold to under-cost
prices abroad. The empty houses of the dead Ukrainians were let to Russians.
All these measures resulted in a catastrophically food situation and ended
in a mass starvation.

Ukraine was defenceless in the hands of the communist villains and the
western world watched indifferently.

The spring of 1933 was the zenith of the catastrophe. Millions starved,
millions were deported, and millions were shot. The famine was during the
Soviet time taboo and Stalin denied it occurrence. Many western
intellectuals, artists and politicians of those days played down, glossed
over or ignored the situation in the Ukraine.

The West was not prepared to annoy and to set the Soviet Union at that time
under pressure for political reasons. Foreign reporters were not allowed to
travel to the Ukraine. Ukraine was completely isolated and forsaken.

But they’re nevertheless writers, who wrote over the famine. For example Lev
Kopelev, who wrote in his book “Chranit vecno”: I was there, looked for
hidden grain and believed in the great socialist transformation. We all
would fulfil a revolutionary obligation, we achieved a historical acts.”

And Boris Pasternak: “What I saw, one can not express in words” and other
like Alexander Solzhenizin, George Orwell or Arthur Koestler, they and many
more wrote about the great famine.

Books worth reading are: “The Harvest of Sorrow – Soviet Collectivisation
and the Terror-Famine” by Robert Conquest (1986) and “Recollection of the
Red Holocaust” by Paul Rothenhäusler and H.H.Sonderegger. (2000)

Already under Lenin 1919 hunger has been used as a political weapon. Also
even then were the consequences devastating, for the country as well as for
the people. Stalin and his followers used the hunger as a weapon in fight
for socialisms and against the free Ukrainian farmer.

Andrej Sacharov wrote once about the “Ukrainiophobia” Stalin’s, who was of
the opinion that one should exterminate the Ukrainian people, wipe them off
the map, but that it was not possible because of the large population.

In the end Stalin won, he broke the resistance of the Ukrainian people. But
at which price! Eleven millions dead and a devastated land which has not
recovered completely till today.

The red Terror enabled the communists then to remain in power in the
Ukraine.

Today is Ukraine free, but this crime against the humanity has left its
traces.

The Great Famine is today recognised as truth, soon also by the UNO.
Stalin’s secret and by the world ignored genocide is confirmed by
documented facts.

Today we remember the eleven million dead, who are victims of the red
Holocaust.

It is never too late for compensation, and it is never too late to remember
the dead.

Eternal memory – Witschnaja Pamniat. -30-
——————————————————————————————-
NOTE: Olena Geissbuhler-Moyseyenko of Sigriswil, Switzerland,
was born in Lviv, Ukraine. She has lived in Austria, Australia, England
and now in Switzerland. She is a medical doctor and her husband is
Swiss. Sigriswil is a beautiful little village in the Berner Oberland, where
she and her husband live after years of living in Berne, the capital city
of Switzerland. (egeissbudhler@freesurf.ch)

——————————————————————————————
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6. U.S. HOUSE AUTHORIZES ESTABLISHMENT OF A MEMORIAL IN
WASHINGTON TO HONOR THE VICTIMS OF THE 1932-1933
GENOCIDE IN UKRAINE ON FEDERAL LAND

Similar bill must now pass the U.S. Senate

Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, November 16, 2005

Washington, D.C. – On Wednesday, November 16, 2005, the U.S. House of
Representatives passed H.R. 562, a bill which authorizes the establishment
of a memorial on federal land in the District of Columbia to honor the
victims of the Genocide that occurred in Ukraine in 1932-1933.

This bill was introduced by Rep. Sander Levin (D-MI) on February 2, 2005

and was referred to the Committee on Resources. On June 9, 2005 the
Subcommittee on National Parks held a hearing regarding this bill.

At the hearing, the proposed legislation received overwhelming support

among the Subcommittee members; however, the National Parks
Committee Regional Director for the National Capital Region Joseph
Lawler expressed the Park Committee’s opposition to this legislation.

“We believe that creating separate memorials for individual groups,” stated
Mr. Lawler, “would detract from the overall message of the Victims of
Communism Memorial and could, potentially, create an unfortunate competition
amongst various groups for limited memorial sites in our nation’s capital.”

His testimony indicated that a general Victims of Communism Memorial, whose
purpose is to commemorate all victims of communism that perished throughout
the world, would also commemorate the victims of the Ukrainian Genocide.

In response, Rep. Sander Levin (D-MI), sponsor of HR562 and co-chair of the
Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, along with the Ukrainian National
Information Service (UNIS) provided moving testimony to the contrary. As a
result, at the conclusion of the hearing, there was widespread support for
HR562.

Throughout 2005, the Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS) continued
its diligent efforts to garner support for this legislation among Members of
Congress.

In the end, 36 members of the House of Representatives co-sponsored this
bill that was voted upon today. The following Members of Congress signed on
to the bill: Rep Bartlett, Roscoe G. [MD-6]; Rep Berman, Howard L. [CA-28];
Rep Boehlert, Sherwood [NY-24]; Rep Brown, Sherrod [OH-13]; Rep Crowley,
Joseph [NY-7]; Rep Davis, Danny K. [IL-7]; Rep Doggett, Lloyd [TX-25]; Rep
Engel, Eliot L. [NY-17]; Rep Fitzpatrick, Michael G. [PA-8]; Rep Grijalva,
Raul M. [AZ-7]; Rep Gutierrez, Luis V. [IL-4]; Rep Hinchey, Maurice D.
[NY-22]; Rep Holt, Rush D. [NJ-12]; Rep Kaptur, Marcy [OH-9]; Rep Kildee,
Dale E. [MI-5]; Rep Kilpatrick, Carolyn C. [MI-13]; Rep Knollenberg, Joe
[MI-9]; Rep Kucinich, Dennis J. [OH-10]; Rep Langevin, James R. [RI-2]; Rep
Lantos, Tom [CA-12]; Rep Lowey, Nita M. [NY-18]; Rep McCotter, Thaddeus G.
[MI-11]; Rep McNulty, Michael R. [NY-21]; Rep Menendez, Robert [NJ-13]; Rep
Pallone, Frank, Jr. [NJ-6]; Rep Payne, Donald M. [NJ-10]; Rep Rangel,
Charles B. [NY-15]; Rep Rothman, Steven R. [NJ-9]; Rep Schwartz, Allyson Y.
[PA-13]; Rep Slaughter, Louise McIntosh [NY-28]; Rep Smith, Christopher H.
[NJ-4]; Rep Tancredo, Thomas G. [CO-6]; Rep Watson, Diane E. [CA-33]; Rep
Weiner, Anthony D. [NY-9]; Rep Weldon, Curt [PA-7]; and, Rep Wexler, Robert
[FL-19].

During November 16th floor action, Rep. Louie Gohmert (R-TX), member

of the Committee on Resources, introduced the HR562 for consideration.
“Known by historians as the “Harvest of Sorrow,” the Ukrainian famine
of 1932-1933 was the result of.grain seizures in order to neutralize the
Ukrainian population,” stated Rep. Gohmert.

“Over 7 million people died of starvation as Russians stopped Ukrainians
from entering Russia to obtain food. Attempts by the United States to
intercede were stalled by Stalin’s regime.” He continued to mention that
“proponents of H.R. 562 hope that building a memorial in the District of
Columbia will bring awareness to the event and honor its victims.”

Rep. Nick Rahall (D-WV), the ranking member of the Resources Committee,

also spoke briefly about the bill. In particular, Rep, Rahall (D-WV) noted:
“Mr. Speaker, we are all too aware of the damage that can be inflicted
during war time by conventional weapons.

However, the Ukrainian Genocide is evidence of the shocking and deadly
potential of an unconventional weapon such as hunger. [.] While precise
figures are hard to calculate, historians place the number of dead as a
result of this policy between eight and ten million men, women, and
children.

In rural Ukraine, it is thought that one in four people starved to death.
These deaths have rightly been labeled one of the worst genocides in

human history.” Rep. Rahall proceeded to mention that, “working with
the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, Congressman Levin hopes
to change that [the world’s knowledge] with HR562.”

In his remarks to his colleagues, the ranking minority leader of the
Resources Committee recommended that the legislation be passed, adding

that by accepting this gift the U.S. Government will not only commemorate
the victims of one of the worst genocides in human history, but also the 1.5
million Ukrainian Americans, who worked relentlessly to preserve and
publicize the memory of this tragedy during the 70 years it was denied.

Rep. Rahall then proceeded to introduce and thank the original sponsor of
the resolution, Rep. Sander Levin (D-MI), co-chair of the Congressional
Ukrainian Caucus. He thanked the leadership of the House of Representatives
for expediting the vote on this bill, as well as his colleagues on both
sides of the isle for their support.

“This legislation is important for all of humanity,” stated Rep. Levin. “It
is very important to the 1.5 million Ukrainian Americans throughout the
United States, including many of my constituents. It has special meaning to
the people of Ukraine who have embarked on a courageous effort to build a
free, democratic, open society, and indeed to all of us who value freedom.
[.]

During the Famine-Genocide of 1932-33, 7 to 10 million Ukrainians were
deliberately and systematically starved to death. The memorial authorized
by this bill will not only honor their memory, but also serve as a tangible
reminder to all of us that we must work together to prevent such tragedies
in the future.”

Commenting on the momentous day in the House of Representatives,

Michael Sawkiw, Jr., President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of
America (UCCA) stated: “The passage of this bill sets the community
one step closer to realizing our dreams of further informing the American
public about the horrors the Ukrainian nation endured during the Genocide
of 1932-19933.

This monument will stand throughout the years as a memorial to all who
perished. We couldn’t have done it without the support of Rep. Levin,

the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, and our friends in Congress.”

Other Members of Congress have five legislative days to revise and extend
their remarks and include material about the Ukrainian Genocide as it
pertains to HR562. -30-
——————————————————————————————–
Washington, DC Office: Ukrainian National Information Service
311 Massachusetts Avenue, NE, Washington, DC 20002
tel: (202) 547-0018, fax: (202) 543-5502, e-mail: http://www.blogger.com/
Web: http://www.blogger.com/
——————————————————————————————–

FOOTNOTE: The monument being planned to be built on federal
land in the District of Columbia to honor the victims of the Genocide
that occurred in Ukraine in 1932-1933 would be totally paid for by
privately donated, non-governmental funds. EDITOR

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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
========================================================
7. “WHY DID STALIN EXTERMINATE THE UKRAINIANS?”

By Stanislav Kulchytsky, Ph.D. (History), Three Parts
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #33, #34, #35
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, 25 October 2005,

1 November 2005, & 8 November 2005
PART ONE:
This article could have a different title, one that reflects the scholarly,
political, and legal dimension: “The Holodomor of 1932-33 in Ukraine
as genocide.”

Historians must provide scholarly evidence, while legal experts and
government officials must come to the legal and political conclusion that
the Holodomor was an act of genocide.

We must all ensure that the international community officially recognizes
the Ukrainian famine of 1932-33 as an act that falls under the UN
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

It is our moral duty to the millions of our compatriots who perished as a
result of terror by famine – they perished not as a result of famine but
terror by famine.
QUESTION AT ISSUE
On Oct. 12, 2005, the Gramsci Institute in Rome hosted a scholarly seminar
entitled “Stalin, the Soviet Famine of 1931-33, and the Ukrainian
Holodomor.” The institute’s director, Professor Silvio Pons, and Professor
Andrea Graziosi, dean of the University of Naples, proposed only one
question for discussion by Italian scholars specializing in Russian and
Ukrainian studies.

How is the Ukrainian Holodomor of 1932-33 different from the famine that was
caused by the grain procurement campaign after the 1931 harvest, which
encompassed all of the Soviet Union, including Ukraine, and the famine that
was caused by the grain procurement campaign after the 1932 harvest in all
the Soviet republics except Ukraine?

This wording of the question was meant to determine whether there are
convincing scholarly arguments to justify studying the Holodomor as an act
of genocide against the Ukrainian nation.

Few non-Italian scholars attended the seminar: I represented Ukraine and
Oleg Khlevniuk represented Russia. Oleg Khlevniuk is better known in the
West than in Russia or Ukraine, because his major monographs have been
published only in English.

Dr. Khlevniuk works at the State Archives of the Russian Federation and is
rightly considered the preeminent authority on sources dealing with the
Stalinist period of Soviet history.

We must thank those Western historians who have proven so responsive to a
problem that concerns only us. On Nov. 10, 2003, a joint statement from 36
nations was published in connection with the 70th anniversary of the
Ukrainian Holodomor of 1932-33, which was officially adopted during the
58th session of the UN General Assembly.

This statement does not contain a definition of this Ukrainian tragedy as an
act of genocide, even though the wording of the draft statement included the
word “genocide.” On Nov. 25, 2004, “The Day” published an interview with
Ukraine’s permanent UN representative, Valeriy Kuchynsky, who described
how this document was drafted.

But it does not provide an answer to the question, why so many diplomats
made it clear to their Ukrainian colleagues that they were not ready to
include the word “genocide” in their statement.

The answer was revealed only during the recent seminar at the Gramsci
Institute. It turns out that Ukrainian diplomats failed to prove to the
Third Committee of the General Assembly that the Soviet regime did
exterminate the Ukrainians. The documents they presented only proved that
famine claimed millions of lives in Ukraine in 1932-33. But this was known
even earlier.

According to Khlevniuk’s authoritative statement, Soviet archival documents
do not contain a straight answer to the question of why millions of
Ukrainian peasants were exterminated. I said that we have exhaustive
documentary evidence to answer the question of HOW the peasants were
exterminated, but we do not have documents that state WHY they were
exterminated.

The perpetrators of the Kremlin’s horrible crime required instructions,
which were later stored in the archives. Yet Stalin was not obliged to
report to anyone about WHY he had used instituted terror by famine, a
term first proposed by the British scholar Robert Conquest.

A convincing answer to the question of the motives behind this crime may be
found only through a comprehensive analysis of many documents. In 2005
“Ukrainskyi Istorychnyi Zhurnal” [Ukrainian Historical Journal] carried
articles by Andrea Graziosi and Gerhard Simon, the latter a professor at the
University of Kbln and arguably one of the best Western experts on the
nationalities policy of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

These articles analyze Stalin’s terror by famine. Based on the conclusions
of my Western and Ukrainian colleagues and drawing on my 20 years of
experience researching the problem of the Ukrainian Holodomor, I will
attempt to answer the question: why did Stalin exterminate the Ukrainians?

Substantiating this answer will require a separate monograph that has yet to
be written. But I am hastening to publish a newspaper version of this book.

“The Day” publishes in three languages and has an online version, which
means that it has a broad readership among the general public.

This is especially important because the Holodomor is, at the very least, a
historical problem. First and foremost, it is a deep and unhealed wound on
the body of the Ukrainian nation. This wound will not heal unless we
understand what we were like before the Holodomor and what became of us
after it.

My opening remarks are addressed to the government. I cannot say that the
Ukrainian Institute of History is excluded from the process of making
decisions relating to Holodomor issues, which take the form of presidential
decrees. Decision makers consult the Ukrainian National Academy of
Sciences, but the scholarly community’s recommendations are not always
taken into account.

As a case in point, with his decree of July 11, 2005, the Ukrainian
president ordered the Cabinet of Ministers a bill to parliament by Nov. 1
“On the political and legal assessment of holodomors in the history of the
Ukrainian people.”

However, I am not familiar with the text of this bill. Moreover, I am
certain that in the Ukrainian nation’s history there was only one Holodomor,
which is enough for all time.

This decree instructs the government to “resolve the question of creating”
the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (UINM) before the Day to
Commemorate the Victims of the Holodomor and Political Repression,
which will be observed this year on Nov. 26 [2005].

An institution of this kind is crucial, as it would convey the knowledge
collected by academics and scholars to society. However, the presidential
decree does not propose a mechanism for creating the UINM.

As evidenced by the Israeli and Polish experiences of creating similar
institutions, Ukraine will face major challenges relating to the funding and
staffing of the institute, defining its functions and drafting laws to
incorporate this institution into the existing system of departments and
organizations.

It is inexpedient to restrict the efforts to create the UINM to a single
item in the presidential decree, which merely declares intent to create it.

The presidential secretariat is already making plans to commemorate the 75th
anniversary of the Holodomor in 2008. I hope that such steps will put an end
to the old practice whereby the government raises the subject of the
Holodomor only on the eve of major anniversaries. Creating an Institute of
National Memory is the first step to making this work systematic and
effective.

It is also important to convince the Ukrainian public and the international
community that the Holodomor of 1932-33 was no accidental phenomenon of
unknown origin, but the result of terror by famine, i.e., genocide, which
was applied by the totalitarian government.
EARLIEST ATTEMPTS TO EQUATE THE
HOLODOMOR WITH GENOCIDE
In equating the Ukrainian Holodomor of 1932-33 with genocide, scholars
primarily face terminological difficulties, which is why the analysis of
this problem must begin with terminology.

The term genocide (the killing of a nation) was coined by the Polish lawyer
Rafael Lemkin, who first used it in his book, “Axis Rulers in Occupied
Europe,” published in 1944. Lemkin used this word to describe the total
extermination of Jews and Gypsies on Nazi-controlled territories.

With this understanding of the term genocide, the UN General Assembly
stated in its Dec. 11, 1946, resolution: “…genocide is a crime under
international law which the civilized world condemns, and for the commission
of which principals and accomplices – whether private individuals, public
officials, or statesmen, and whether the crime is committed on religious,
racial, political, or any other grounds – are punishable.”

Since history has known many cases of mass extermination of human beings,
and in view of the continuing threat of their recurrence, the UN decided it
was necessary to introduce the notion of genocide into international law.

This laid the legal groundwork for establishing international cooperation to
combat such crimes, including those committed by individuals
constitutionally vested with supreme power.

On Dec. 9, 1948, the UN General Assembly unanimously adopted the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
Article I of the convention reads: “The Contracting Parties confirm that
genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a
crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to
punish.”

Article II contains a definition of genocide: “[G]enocide means any of the
following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a
national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members
of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the
group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d)
Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e)
Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”

The convention was adopted by 56 attending members of the UN General
Assembly and opened for signature, ratification, and accession. It became
effective as of Jan. 12, 1951, i.e., on the 90th day after 20 instruments of
accession or ratification were deposited with the UN Secretary General.

Since that time this convention has been an instrument for preventing
genocide. Its effectiveness increased significantly after the end of the
Cold War.

The legal norms formulated in this document did not fully guarantee that all
cases of mass extermination of human beings would be identified as genocide.

Only the Holocaust of World War II fully corresponded to them: the Nazis
either exterminated Jews wherever and whenever they found them, or placed
them in conditions that were physically unsuitable for life. In effect, the
convention was developed when the memories of the Holocaust were still
fresh.

There was another reason why cases of mass extermination that occurred
before the Holocaust were not always identified as genocide. Legal experts
were unwilling to make exceptions to the basic principle of jurisprudence,
i.e., that the law has no retroactive effect.

The famine of 1932-33 was a forbidden topic in the USSR. At the 20th party
congress of the CPSU in 1956 party leaders finally dared to speak out about
the Stalinist terror that primarily targeted the Soviet-party nomenklatura
and intelligentsia.

However, they concealed the terror by famine in collectivized villages until
the last possible moment. The Stalinist taboo on mentioning the famine was
broken only after the Ukrainian diaspora succeeded in persuading the US
Congress to create a temporary commission to investigate the events of
1932-33 in Ukraine.

Led by the late James Mace, the congressional commission had no access to
Soviet archives. It collected most of its information from emigres who had
survived collectivization and famine and ended up in North America after the
Second World War.

Of course, Holodomor survivors could not figure out the crafty stratagems
of Stalin’s policies, but their victim’s instinct told them that the Soviet
government meant to physically destroy them. Based on hundreds of
eyewitness accounts, James Mace’s commission recreated the real picture
of those events and presented a final report to the US Congress in April
1988.

Interviews conducted in Ukraine since 1988 have confirmed the tendency
recorded by James Mace: recalling events from half a century earlier,
Holodomor survivors sensed the authorities’ intent to punish “saboteurs”
of the grain procurement campaign by starving them to death. Individual
documents that have been unintentionally preserved in archives confirm that
this is what famine victims felt.

An anonymous letter sent from Poltava in August 1933 to the editorial
offices of the newspaper “Komunist,” which was written by an individual with
a higher education, judging by the content and style, even claimed to be a
summary of Stalin’s national policy: “The physical extermination of the
Ukrainian nation and the exhaustion of its material and spiritual resources
are [some] of the most important points in the criminal agenda of Bolshevik
centralism.”

The congressional commission called the 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine an
act of genocide. Yet this conclusion was not based on documents but on
subjective judgments of Holodomor survivors. Moreover, the purpose of
the commission was to establish facts (which it did, brilliantly) but not to
provide a legal assessment of them. Therefore, after the commission
completed its work, Ukrainian organizations in North America decided to
seek legal help.

The World Congress of Free Ukrainians initiated the creation of the
International Commission of Inquiry Into the 1932-33 Famine in Ukraine,
presided over by Professor Jacob Sundberg. Representatives of the
Ukrainian Diaspora in North America appealed to the most outstanding
jurists, who because of their high public and scholarly status had
sufficient credibility with the international community.

In November 1989 Sundberg’s commission published its verdict, naming
excessive grain procurements as the immediate cause of mass famine in
Ukraine, and identifying its preconditions as forced collectivization,
dispossession of wealthy kurkul peasants, and the central government’s
desire to curb “traditional Ukrainian nationalism.”

Thus, the jurists not only recognized in the Holodomor the Kremlin’s desire
to impose an alien lifestyle on the Ukrainian peasants, they also identified
a national component in this act of terror. The Ukrainian Holodomor was
therefore identified as genocide.

Sundberg’s commission determined that the principle of the non- retroactive
nature of laws applies only formally to the UN Convention of Dec. 9, 1948.

They pointed out that this principle applies to criminal law, whereas the
Convention is outside of its boundaries because it does not pass verdicts.
The Convention only encourages nations to cooperate in preventing and
condemning genocide.

Addressing those who opposed the identification of the Holodomor with the
crime of genocide only because the term “genocide” did not exist before
WWII, the International Commission of Inquiry asked: was it possible before
the war to freely destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial
or religious group?

The answer is obvious. Relying on the above arguments, the commission
stated in its final report: “Commission feels justified in maintaining that
if genocide of the Ukrainian people occurred, it was contrary to the
provisions of the international law then in force” [This sentence was
misquoted in the Ukrainian original, which omitted the word “if” – Ed.]

This verdict was based on the facts available to the commission. It stated,
however, that the inquiry into the Holodomor must continue to document
with additional facts the conclusion that it was an act of genocide, i.e.,
to reinforce its source base.
POLITICIZATION OF THE HOLODOMOR ISSUE
We all remember how important the question of the 1932-1933 famine was
in the late 1980s-early 1990s: it helped people break old stereotypes and
reevaluate Soviet history. This subject became a lethal weapon in the hands
of those who had fought for the republic’s independence. After all, the
death sentences for millions of Ukrainian citizens had come from outside
Ukraine.

It seemed that after independence the question of the Holodomor would
become the exclusive province of historians. Indeed, historians started to
explore it in a systematic and comprehensive manner. But it also became a
popular issue in the political arena.

Political opponents extracted convenient facts from scholarly publications
on the famine of 1932-1933, while ignoring their overall significance. None
of them managed to prove anything to their opponents because nobody was
interested in ascertaining the truth. It was easy to predict the outcome of
these struggles between politicians and scholars of various stripes.

While the former had unlimited access to media outlets, thereby shaping the
public opinion, the latters’ voices did not reach society and died away in
the meager press runs of books and brochures.

Let us listen closely to the words of Levko Lukyanenko, the long-time
Soviet political prisoner, Ukrainian parliamentarian, and chairman of an
association of Holodomor researchers.

Addressing a Nov. 15, 2002, scholarly conference, he said: “The members
of the Association of Researchers of the Holodomors in Ukraine and other
scholars have amassed a large number of documents that prove that Moscow
deliberately planned and carried out the Holodomor in Ukraine in order to
curb the national-liberation movement, decrease the number of Ukrainians,
and dilute the Ukrainian ethnos (nation) with Muscovites, thus preventing
Ukrainians from struggling to get out from under Moscow’s control in the
future.”

It would seem that these words echo the above-mentioned anonymous letter
to the editors of Komunist, which we can now support with documentary
evidence. However, there is a substantive difference between them. The
anonymous author of the 1933 letter was justified in faulting the Bolshevik
party leadership for the Ukrainian Holodomor.

Meanwhile, with all the documents uncovered by contemporary historians at
his disposal, Lukyanenko unjustifiably expands the Bolshevik-dominated
Kremlin to the size of Moscow, while referring to the Russian people
pejoratively as “Muscovites.”

The “colonization” by representatives of the dominant Soviet nation of the
national republics (especially the Baltic nations and Ukraine) was not
Stalin’s idea alone. This policy was in fact designed to stem national
liberation movements.

However, these Russian resettlers (military personnel, intellectuals from
the technical and humanities spheres, and skilled workers) had no idea of
the Kremlin’s strategic plans, nor did Russified Ukrainians, who had
experienced assimilation, voluntary or otherwise, throughout the centuries,
not just decades.

How could the millions of so-called “Muscovites” who currently reside in
Ukraine respond to the Holodomor according to Lukyanenko’s interpretation?

Because of the irresponsible actions by individuals whose primary concern
was their own political career, our tragic past started to divide Ukraine
instead of consolidating its citizens. We felt this during the presidential
elections of 2004.

The opposing side also fueled interethnic tensions. The leader of the
Communist Party of Ukraine, Petro Symonenko, spoke during the Feb. 12,
2003, parliamentary hearings in connection with the 70th anniversary of the
Holodomor. He could no longer deny the fact that there was a famine in
1932-1933, because Volodymyr Shcherbytsky had confirmed it in 1987.

However, much like his predecessors, Symonenko blamed the famine on
drought and misrepresentations of grain procurements in raions and oblasts.
According to Symonenko, the Politburo of the CPSU’s Central Committee
condemned the misrepresentations and demanded criminal prosecution of
those responsible.

Such blatant lies could be uttered before the archives were opened during
Gorbachev’s perestroika. On the 70th anniversary of the Holodomor such
statements were shameless blasphemy.

A natural question arises: Why do representatives of the extreme right- and
left-wing political forces politicize the Holodomor issue by exchanging
contradictory statements without believing one bit in them or caring about
establishing the truth?

This question is easy to answer because the same fate has befallen other
historical problems. No one is crossing swords over the revolution of
1905-1907, and its centennial is passing completely unnoticed.

The situation with the Holodomor or the problem of the OUN and UPA
are different because they are part of the life experiences of the current
generation of Ukrainian citizens, who were participants in those events, or
the children of these people.

People tend to have differing opinions on events in the not so distant past,
whereas all politicians try to please the public. Therefore, let us have a
look at the people.

Three generations are represented in our society: grandfathers and
grandmothers, and their children and grandchildren. Living at the same time
with them is a small number of representatives of adjacent generations,
i.e., great- grandparents and great-grandchildren. Let us analyze the life
experience of each generation.

I will begin with grandparents born before 1920 inclusive. This is the
generation of the 20th century, which experienced countless disasters and a
great deal of suffering. This generation survived the Great War of
1914-1918, the Civil War and interethnic wars after the fall of the Russian
Empire, the famine of 1921-1923, industrialization, collectivization, and
the Holodomor of 1932-1933, the Great Terror of 1937-1938, World War
II of 1939-1945, postwar destruction, including the famine of 1946-1947.

I am quite familiar with this generation thanks to my profession and as a
result of personal communication with these people. I still communicate with
the youngest representatives of this generation. My exchanges have been
especially fruitful with Vasyl Kuk, the last UPA army commander; Bohdan
Osadchuk, the Berlin-based professor and the oldest active journalist in
Europe; and Petro Tronko, the former deputy prime minister for humanitarian
policy of the Ukrainian SSR, who occupied his ministerial seat for 17 years.

With the exception of those who lived outside the Soviet Union’s borders
until 1939 and 1940, the representatives of this generation were the
“builders of socialism.” The Bolsheviks, whom Lenin called “a drop in the
people’s ocean,” built their “commune state,” as defined by Lenin, together
with the people.

The concerted action of the party and the people was achieved with the help
of two slogans: “Those who are not with us are against us!” and “Unless the
enemy surrenders, he will be destroyed!”

Mass repressions were the main method of building a “commune state.” They
continued even after this state was built and had passed a test of strength
during the Soviet-German war, and until the death of Joseph Stalin.

Once the repressions had almost wiped out society’s political activity, the
Kremlin chiefs switched to other methods of administration: propaganda and
indoctrination.

I belong to the generation of those born between 1921 and 1950. These
people were raised in the Soviet school and were not affected by the mass
repressions. The older representatives of this generation are the veterans
of WWII, who now rightfully enjoy society’s respect.

As a rule, how they picture the past differs from the way subsequent
generations view it. And this is not only due to their understandable
idealization of their youth.

When the hundreds of thousands of political prisoners, who were
“rehabilitated” by Stalin’s successors, returned to their homes from the
GULAG, Lidiya Chukovska made her famous declaration: “Two Russias
have encountered each other: the one that did time, and the one that put the
former behind bars.”

However, there was also a third Russia, much like a third Ukraine,
Kazakhstan, etc., which did not take part in the repressions and was not
subjected to them. The representatives of my generation formed the largest
percentage of these people. After returning from the GULAG, our fathers
kept silent, as a rule.

Perhaps they did so not only because upon their release they had signed a
“pledge not to disclose information.” Perhaps they did not want to
complicate the lives of their children, who out of ignorance could start
saying bad things about the Soviet government.

Finally, they feared for their own lives, because in that country parents
were responsible for children and vice versa.

Such responsibility was viewed as the norm. We lived in a kingdom of
crooked mirrors, but didn’t realize it. There was no longer any need to
deport us, because we respected or even loved the Soviet government.
We knew the things we could discuss in public, and it seemed normal
that there were things that were best kept private.

A case in point is the famine of 1932- 1933. Young and old knew that it had
occurred, but we also knew that it should not be discussed – period. My
foreign colleagues who study the Holodomor and whose numbers are
growing do not understand this.

They try to find explanations in our national character or talk about how
the KGB intimidated the population. To fully understand the Soviet people’s
behavior and way of thinking, they should have been born and raised in this
country.

Soviet citizens’ dependence on the government was not just reinforced and
not even so much by standard repressions, such as extermination or
imprisonment. The government was the universal employer and could fire
anyone, if necessary. Almost everyone who “misbehaved” could end up
like a beached fish.

Notably, the chekist selectors spent a decade imprisoning or exterminating
the most active part of the population. Society was becoming conformist for
two main reasons: the percentage of dissenters was progressively declining,
while the percentage of people raised in the Soviet school was increasing as
part of a natural process.

Indoctrination and propaganda proved successful after the period of mass
repressions because the Soviet system showed the people many advantages
compared to the pre-revolutionary system.

The system enslaved the person politically, but ensured a minimum level of
its material and cultural welfare, whether this person wanted it or not. In
the Soviet period alcoholics underwent “reeducation” in therapeutic
sanatoriums, and there were almost no homeless persons.

What anticommunists cannot understand is that the Soviet government’s care
for the people was not dictated by moral duty, but was a precondition of its
existence. In order to emerge, the communist system had to destroy private
enterprise in all its forms, i.e., take over the job of feeding, healing,
educating, and entertaining the entire population.

The commune state was so drastically different from states in which citizens
had political freedom that it should be viewed as a civilizationally
different phenomenon. This state did not even hide the lack of political and
national freedom in the general accepted sense.

At the same time, it labeled these freedoms “bourgeois democracy” and
“bourgeois nationalism,” while espousing the “loftier” values of “socialist
democracy” and “socialist internationalism.”

Communism also demonstrated its “significant accomplishments” on the
republican level. It gave Ukraine internationally recognized Soviet
statehood (a founding member of the UN!), increased its pre-revolutionary
industrial capacity many times over, turned it into a culturally developed
republic, and fulfilled the dream of many generations of Ukrainians: the
reunification of ethnic lands.

It is extremely difficult to convince the many representatives of my
generation that the civilization in which they spent the better part of
their lives was built on the blood and bones of the previous generation.
Many of my peers a priori refuse to believe that the Soviet government
could deliberately exterminate people.

There are many who still believe that “enemies of the people” really
existed. A post- genocidal society, as defined by James Mace, is a sick
society.

People born between 1950 and 1980 belong to the third generation of
Ukrainian citizens. Long ago this generation outnumbered all the other
generations, and after the Orange Revolution its representatives ousted
almost all of their parents from managing the affairs of state and society.

This generation, and the preceding generation, was not separated by a
barrier in the form of a pledge not to disclose information. This is why
few of its representatives share their parents’ stereotypes and biases,
especially since they live in an age of transformations, i.e., a time when
the established underpinnings of life become unstable.

When the commune state collapsed and vanished as a result of growing
external and internal pressures, it was replaced not by a Western-style
social state but primitive capitalism. Quite naturally, many representatives
of the third generation, much like their parents, are nostalgic for the
Soviet past.

Citizens find it hard to take for granted historians’ assertions to the
effect that the Soviet system under Lenin and Stalin could be built only
with steel and blood-plenty of blood.

We must bear all this in mind when we want to convince the public that
terror by famine was a tool of “Soviet construction” on par with other forms
of terror. We should not fault our parliament for not having shown any
interest in the Holodomor until 2002.

Parliament is the mirror image of society. We should be happy with what has
already been accomplished. At a special session on May 14, 2003, the
Ukrainian parliament adopted an Address to the Ukrainian People in
Connection with the Famine of 1932- 33.

It defined the Holodomor as an act of genocide against the Ukrainian people.
With 410 parliamentarians present, the document was passed by a mere 226
votes, i.e., the minimum required.

On the fourth Saturday of November 2003, marking the Day to Commemorate
the Victims of the Holodomor, only the state-owned television channel UT-1
dedicated air time to the 70th anniversary of the Holodomor by airing a
30-minute program entitled “The Bells of Popular Memory.” Meanwhile,
private television channels broadcast the usual weekend fare of
entertainment shows, comedies, and erotic films.

Nothing has changed even now. In a commentary published in the Aug. 17,
2005, issue of the [Russian-language] newspaper “Segodnia” on a proposal to
plant high-bush cranberries known as kalyna on all the Dnipro slopes in Kyiv
in memory of Holodomor victims, a female journalist addressed a question to
herself and her readers, which was framed in the banner headline: “Is this
not a lot of sorrow for Kyiv?”

Historians have their work cut out for them to convince society of the need
to face the problems of the Holodomor. Only when we accomplish this will
marginal politicians let go of this issue.
———————————————————————————————

LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/151228 [Part One]
———————————————————————————————
PART TWO: WHY DID STALIN EXTERMINATE THE UKRAINIANS?

By Stanislav Kulchytsky, Ph.D. (History)
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #34
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, 1 November 2005

PART TWO:
COMPREHENDING THE HOLODOMOR
The Holodomor is a phenomenon that is hard to fathom. To do so one
must find a rational explanation for the actions of those who organized it,
and discover the logic and political interests that drove them.

In the case of other large- scale tragedies, the perpetrators’ logic was
absolutely transparent. The Turkish governments and the Nazis exterminated
the Greeks, Armenians, and Jews precisely because they were Greeks,
Armenians, and Jews.

Did the communists really always exterminate the Ukrainians because of their
nationality? Even if we say that rank-and-file communists were puppets in
the hands of the leaders of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik), who
in turn were puppets in the hands of the General Secretary (which is true to
a certain extent), the question of why Stalin exterminated the Ukrainians in
1933 remains unanswered.

The absence of a convincing answer to this question does not mean that it is
impossible to find. It is no accident that groups of eminent experts – the
US Congressional Commission on the Ukraine Famine and the International
Commission of Inquiry into the 1932-33 Famine in Ukraine – concluded in
1988 and 1989, respectively, that the Holodomor was an act of genocide.

Both commissions left it up to experts to corroborate this conclusion. We
must examine how experts used the decade and a half of the time they have
had at their disposal.
SILENT TERROR
Not so long ago the Institute of Ukrainian History at the National Academy
of Sciences produced a fundamental study of terrorist acts and terrorism on
Ukrainian territory in the 19th and 20th centuries.

It represents our attempt to explore the essence of state terror and
individual terrorism. There is quite enough concrete material about terror
and terrorism in Ukrainian history of the past two decades for a thorough
exploration of this issue.

One characteristic of terror and terrorism has escaped the attention of our
scholars, including me. Judging by the word terror (from the French terreur,
meaning terror, panic), terrorism is aimed at demonstrativeness, showiness.
Someone is destroyed in order to show others what will happen to them if
they do not change their conduct with respect to a certain question.

A typical example of such terror was dekulakization, i.e., repressions
directed at a certain proportion of peasants (from 2 to 5 percent of the
village population) in order through terror to force other peasants to join
collective farms. The level of wealth was the only criterion for selecting
kurkuls.

More than others, wealthy peasants wanted to preserve their private
property, which provided them with the means of subsistence. However,
the status of a poor peasant did not provide immunity to those who were
unwilling to join. Such peasants were repressed as subkurkuls.

Dekulakization as a form of repression cannot fall under the UN Convention
on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. It is not
committed “with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,
ethnical, racial or religious group.”

True, proposals are being made to amend the UN Convention of Dec. 9,
1948, by adding the notion “social genocide.” Social groups also suffer from
brutal persecution aimed at their extermination. However, “sociocide” and
“classicide” have yet to become legal notions, which is why they are not
relevant to our discussion.

At first glance, terror by famine has no characteristic features. It is
indiscriminate killing over a wide area. Its victims are not individuals
whom the perpetrator of repressions considers dangerous or “whipping
boys” chosen at random, but all people in a certain territory, including
children and pregnant women.

Because the technology of terror by famine did not require it to show
characteristic features and because it lacked “ideological security,” to use
the parlance of Soviet newspapers (after all, how can you explain the need
to kill children and pregnant women?) this repression was committed in
silence. Terror by famine is silent terror.

Then what was its underlying sense? How can we find the hidden
characteristic features that are indispensable to any form of terror in the
Soviet government’s actions, which were aimed at depriving peasants not
only of grain but of all kinds of food.

An answer to this question will help us understand why Stalin exterminated
Ukrainian peasants not always and not everywhere (as Greeks, Armenians,
Jews, and Gypsies had been exterminated), but (a) in 1932-1933 and (b) in
two administrative-political creations where the Ukrainian population
constituted a majority: in the Ukrainian SSR and the Kuban district of the
Northern Caucasus.

I know the answer, but I cannot provide it right away. An immediate answer
would be nothing more than an expression of my personal viewpoint. Too
many personal viewpoints based on emotions have been voiced in
connection with the Holodomor.

I would like my readers to arrive at the answer to this question
independently by providing them with the requisite mass of undeniable facts.

This exploration should begin with an analysis of the background to this
question. We need to ascertain how the Ukrainian Holodomor was
understood in time and space.

It is no wonder perhaps that the peasants, who were being exterminated by
means of famine, immediately understood the true situation. Holodomor
survivors told James Mace’s associates that the government was purposefully
exterminating them.

They could not prove it with documents, but sensed with all their being the
Soviet government’s evil intentions. It is no surprise that based on this
testimony, the US Congressional Commission concluded that the famine of
1932-1933 in Ukraine was an act of genocide.

That people were dying of hunger was not known outside of areas where these
people were dying. The mass media kept silent. It was even forbidden to use
the word “famine” in top secret official documents of Soviet Communist Party
agencies.

Further down the text you will find an example that this rule was also
observed at the pinnacle of the pyramid of power, i.e., in the Politburo of
the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (VKP[b]).

Whenever it was necessary for the government to intervene – if only to bury
the dead, appropriate instructions to subordinates were handed down as part
of the ” osobaya papka” [special file] (much like the term Chekist, the
words osobist [special agent], osobyi otdel [special section], or osobaya
papka [special file] do not have equivalents in the Ukrainian language).

Perhaps this was done not only to conceal information. Famine was an open
secret in all the affected regions. The people who were victimized by the
famine knew about it. “Special files” were necessary to rule out official
and unofficial discussions of the famine in the Communist Party milieu and
that of Soviet functionaries.

Among normal people such discussions would lead to the question: How
can we help? Meanwhile, no assistance was envisioned. Therefore, the veil
of silence around the famine was one of the mechanisms of genocide.

The silence resulted in the fact that in regions where no terror by famine
was used, even high-ranking officials had a vague idea about the nature and
scale of the famine in Ukraine.

This is how Nikita Khrushchev, who in the early 1930s was second secretary
of the Moscow municipal and oblast committees of the VKP(b), recalled the
Holodomor: “I simply could not imagine how famine could be possible in
Ukraine in 1932. How many people died then? Now I cannot say. Information
about this was leaked to the bourgeois press. Until my last day in office
articles were occasionally published about collectivization and its cost in
human lives. But I am saying this only now. Then I didn’t know anything
about this, and even if I had learned something, explanations would have
been found: sabotage, counterrevolution, kurkul ploys, which have to be
combated, and so on.”

I can comment on this abstract from Khrushchev’s memoirs only in connection
with the date of the Holodomor. When Khrushchev tape-recorded his thoughts
on his past life after his retirement, he mentioned the wrong date, which is
very telling. In the first half of 1932 there was an outbreak of famine in
Ukraine with tens of thousands of deaths and even cases of cannibalism.

It resulted from the grain procurement campaign after the 1931 harvest.
However, the Holodomor did not happen then. The Holodomor resulted
from the seizure of all grain after the 1932 harvest, which was followed by
expropriations of all remaining food supplies. Deaths from the Holodomor
began in the late fall of 1932, and the death toll peaked in June 1933.

I must add that you will not find the above quotation in the famous
four-volume compilation of Khrushchev’s memoirs. It comes from a
different version of transcripts, published in the March 1990 issue of the
magazine “Voprosy Istorii” [Questions of History].

As we know today, Western special services and diplomatic representatives
possessed more accurate information about what was happening in the Soviet
Union. In particular, the British Foreign Office and the British government
had diverse and extensive information from multiple sources, as evidenced by
the compilation of documents “The Foreign Office and the Famine: British
Documents on Ukraine and the Great Famine of 1932-33,” published in 1988
in Kingston, USA [sic], and edited by Bohdan Kordan, Lubomyr Luciuk, and
Marco Carynnyk.

Benito Mussolini was well informed about the Holodomor. Italy’s General
Consul Sergio Gradenigo sent him detailed and accurate reports from Kharkiv.
The reports filled an entire book compiled by Andrea Graziosi and published
in Turin in 1991. He now plans to have it translated into Ukrainian.

The then newly-elected US president, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, was also
well aware of the situation in the Soviet Union. However, like all the other
leaders of the great powers, in his relations with the Kremlin Roosevelt was
guided exclusively by national interests.

In 1933 Stalin began to seek a rapprochement with the Western democracies,
because he did not expect to coexist peacefully with Adolph Hitler, who had
come to power in Germany. The Western democracies welcomed this foreign
policy change. In the fall of 1933 the US recognized the Soviet Union.

Thus, the tragedy of the Holodomor was played out in plain view of leaders
and chiefs, who chose to remain silent. The current heads of the leading
nations should remember this when the question of recognizing the Ukrainian
Holodomor of 1933 as an act of genocide is raised again at the UN assembly.
THE END OF SILENCE
Unlike the political leaders who remained silent, Western journalists more
often than not carried out their professional duty if they succeeded in
visiting regions that were affected by famine.

The Maxim Gorky State Scholarly Library of Odesa compiled and published a
bibliography of the Ukrainian Holodomor partially with its own money and,
most importantly, with donations from the Ukrainian diaspora, collected by
Wolodymyr Motyka (Australia) and M. Kots (US).

Its compilers, L. Buryan and I. Rikun, located over 6,000 publications that
were published before 1999 inclusively. In the foreign press they found 33
publications dated 1932 and 180 dated 1933.

Judging by this bibliographic index, the Holodomor was especially broadly
covered by the Ukrainian-language newspaper “Svoboda,” published in
Jersey City (state of New Jersey). Its article of Feb. 15, 1932, has a
characteristic headline: “Moscow wants to starve Ukrainian peasants to
death.”

This headline proves that the assessment of the famine that resulted from
the grain procurement campaign after the 1931 harvest was an emotional one.
In reality, this famine cannot be classified as genocide as defined in the
Convention. The state seized all the grain, which caused deaths among the
peasants.

According to my estimates, 144,000 people died of hunger during 1932.
However, in the first half of 1932 there were no signs of terror by famine.

On the contrary, when the famine was officially established, the starving
population obtained relief in the form of 13.5 million poods of grain [1
pood=36.1 pounds, or 16.39 kilograms – Ed.].

With its May 21 decree the Council of People’s Commissars of the Ukrainian
SSR identified the areas most affected by famine. They received additional
relief in the form of food-grade grain, fish, and canned foods.

As a rule, publications about the 1933 famine in the USSR appeared with
a significant delay in Western newspapers.

This does not apply to the newspaper “Svoboda,” which published its
reports promptly. The following are headlines from early 1933: “Bolsheviks
deport residents of Kuban Cossack villages to Siberia” (January 21),
“Bolsheviks change method of expropriating crops from peasants”
(January 23), “Famine grips Soviet Ukraine” (January 28), “After mass
deportations of Ukrainians from the Kuban, the Bolsheviks begin
deporting peasants from Ukraine” (February 11), “Ukraine has no grain
for sowing” (February 13).

Now we understand who provoked Stalin to write his angry memo of
Feb. 13, 1933, to Politburo members Molotov and Kaganovich: “Do you
know who allowed American correspondents in Moscow to travel to the
Kuban?

They cooked up foulness about the situation in the Kuban (see their
correspondence). We have to put a stop to this and ban these gentlemen
from traveling around the USSR. There are enough spies in the USSR
without them.”

“Svoboda” published reports that were circulated within a rather small
circle of Ukrainian diaspora representatives. The first analytical stories
about the Soviet famine were by the journalist Malcolm Muggeridge.

He managed to make a journey through the Northern Caucasus and
Ukraine before the Politburo’s Feb. 23, 1933, banning decree “On
foreign correspondents’ trips within the USSR.”

In March of that year he published his impressions in the English newspaper
“The Manchester Guardian.” His three fact-filled articles left no doubt as
to the famine that was spreading in the main grain-growing belt of the USSR.

In the wake of Muggeridge’s material, this newspaper carried an article
entitled “Famine in Russia,” based on the personal impressions of Gareth
Jones, the former secretary of Prime Minister Lloyd George of Great Britain.
The author said that Russia was in the grip of a famine on the scale of the
one it had experienced in 1921.

Walter Duranty, the New York Times correspondent, who was a British
citizen, tried to refute the sensational reports in “The Manchester
Guardian.” The essence of his article published in the Mar. 31, 1933,
issue is reflected in its heading: “Russians Hungry Not Starving.”

Notably, Duranty is the only Western journalist who ever managed to
interview Stalin. He always tried to write his articles in such a way as not
to displease the Kremlin.

Information about famine on a horrible scale in Russia continued to leak
through the Iron Curtain. On Aug. 21, 1933, the “New York Herald
Tribune” published material by Ralph Barnes with a first estimate of the
number of those who had perished – one million. Duranty also confirmed
that there was famine.

Although he did not say so directly, it follows from his short article in
the Aug. 24, 1933, issue of “The New York Times” that at least two
million people had perished. A day later this newspaper carried a report
by Frederick Birchall, quoting a figure of four million dead.

The Soviet government spared neither time nor effort to hide the
consequences of the famine from foreigners. On Dec. 6, 1932, the
All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee and the ONK of the Ukrainian
SSR issued a decree (and published it in order to scare people) to
“blacklist” five villages that could not fulfill the government’s grain
procurement quota for a long period of time.

An invention of Lazar Kaganovich, the “blacklist,” meant that villagers were
banned from leaving the village, deliveries of all foodstuffs to the village
were suspended, and searches at the farms of “deadbeats” continued until
all food was expropriated.

Famine claimed all the villagers in Havrylivka in Mezhova raion,
Dnipropetrovsk oblast. This tragedy became known abroad, and American
journalists requested permission to visit Dnipropetrovsk oblast. Permission
was granted with surprising ease.

In his book “Russia Today: What We Can Learn from It,” published in New
York in 1934, Eddy Sherwood writes: “A group of foreign visitors heard
rumors that in the village of Havrylivka all the people except for one had
died ofhunger. They decided to investigate and visited the local registrar’s
office, the priest, the local council, the judge, and the teacher. It
turned out that three out of 1,100 residents had died of typhus. Measures
were taken to stop the epidemic. There were no deaths from hunger.”
[Translations of cited passages here and elsewhere are not the published
versions – Ed.].

There is no doubt that the American journalist honestly reported what he
saw. But there is also no doubt that all the original residents of
Havrylivka starved to death.

The visit to the USSR by the prominent French politician Edouard Herriot,
the president of the French National Assembly and former prime minister,
caused the State Political Directorate (GPU) even more problems.

According to the distinguished guest’s request, his itinerary included a
trip to Ukraine and the Northern Caucasus, which, he was told, were
hardest hit by the famine.

A day before Herriot was scheduled to arrive in the Soviet Union, Stalin,
who was staying at a resort in the Northern Caucasus, sent a memo to
Viacheslav Molotov, Lazar Kaganovich, and Genrikh Yagoda, the de facto
head of the Joint State Political Department (OGPU): “According to
information in possession of Yevdokimov (official OGPU representative
in the Northern Caucasus – Author), the White Guardists are preparing a
terrorist attack against Herriot in Odesa or other locations in the USSR.

In my view, Yevdokimov’s proposals are justified. Balytsky (official OGPU
representative and head of the GPU of the Ukrainian SSR – Author) must be
immediately instructed to personally visit all locations visited by Herriot
and take all preventive measures against all possible excesses.”

As we can see, Stalin used Aesopian language even when he was issuing
instructions to his associates to prevent the distinguished guest from
seeing signs of famine. This is striking.

On Aug. 26, 1933, Herriot arrived in Odesa aboard a steamship. On the
following day he arrived in Kyiv, then Kharkiv, and Dniprobud. Everywhere
he saw whatever he wanted to see and met with hundreds of people. On
Aug. 31 Herriot left Rostov-on-Don for Moscow without seeing any signs
indicating that the areas he had visited had experienced a famine.

It cost Stalin substantial political capital to organize this trip. On Sept.
13 the headline in Pravda cited Herriot’s statement made in Riga: “What I
have seen in the USSR is beautiful.”

In the USSR during the latter half of the 1930s the topic of the famine was
no longer relevant in the West. The public only remembered contradictory
newspaper stories. Not surprisingly, people had more faith in famous
politicians, like Herriot, not journalists. World War II relegated all
memories of the Holodomor to the background.
EFFORTS OF THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA
There were numerous survivors of the Holodomor among emigrants who
ended up in the West after World War II. Some of them kept silent so as
not to provoke repressions against their relatives in the USSR. There were
also those who wanted to speak out.

Many books containing their accounts were published by Ukrainian civic
organizations on anniversaries of the Holodomor.

Two are distinguished by their fundamental nature: a two- volume reference
book entitled “The Black Deeds of the Kremlin: A White Book”
(Toronto-Detroit, 1953-55), and the Ukrainian-language compilation by
Yuri Semenko entitled “Holod 1933 roku v Ukrayini: Svidchennia pro
vynyshchuvannia Moskvoyu ukrayinskoho selianstva” [‘The 1933 Famine
in Ukraine: Eyewitness Testimonies about Moscow’s Extermination of the
Ukrainian Peasants”(New York, 1963).

The Ukrainian diaspora used every Holodomor anniversary to make the truth
about the Holodomor known to the general public. Tremendous work was
completed in time for the 50th anniversary.

The Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta in
Edmonton and the Harvard Ukrainian Studies Institute, founded by Omeljan
Pritsak, were already functioning at this time. Trained professionals began
to study the 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine.

In 1983 Universite du Quebec a Montreal hosted a scholarly conference
on the fundamental problems of the Holodomor. The proceedings were
published in book form three years later in Edmonton.

Bohdan Kravchenko, Sergei Maksudov (the alias of the former Moscow-
based dissident Alexander Babyonyshev, who concealed his identity to
protect his relatives), James Mace, and Roman Serbyn delivered the most
exhaustive reports.

The 50th anniversary of the Holodomor became a watershed in many
respects. The events of 1932-1933 in Ukraine started to attract the
attention of historians, politicians, and journalists. The situation was
further heightened by the fact that the USSR did not recognize the
existence of a famine in 1933.

When journalists questioned Ukrainian diplomats at the UN about this,
they either avoided answering or denied the fact that there was a famine.
Eventually, they were forced to turn to their government for instructions:
What should they do about this problem dating back 50 years?

The Politburo of the CC CPU instructed the Central Committee’s secretary
in charge of ideology and the Ukrainian KGB chief to investigate this
matter.

On Feb. 11, 1983, they submitted a report to Volodymyr Shcherbytsky,
the gist of which is reflected in its title: “On propaganda and Counter-
propaganda measures to counter the anti-Soviet campaign unleashed by
reactionary centers of the Ukrainian emigration concerning food shortages
that took place in the early 1930s.”

The late Ihor Olshaniwsky, head of the Organization of Americans in
Defense of Human Rights in Ukraine, studied the archives of the US
Congressional Commission on the Holocaust and proposed creating
an identical commission to study the Ukrainian Holodomor.

Congressman James Florio and Senator Bill Bradley, both of whom
represented the state of New Jersey, supported Olshaniwsky’s idea
because there were many Ukrainian voters in the state.

In November 1983 Florio introduced a bill to form the Congressional
Commission. When it was introduced in the House of Representatives,
the bill bore the signatures of 59 congressmen, most of whom were
Florio’s fellow Democrats.

Even though one year later this bill bore the signatures of 123 congressmen,
leading Democrats in the House of Representatives had little enthusiasm for
it. “Why spend American taxpayers’ money on what happened some 50
years ago?” they asked.

The Ukrainian diaspora then organized a grassroots campaign in all states
with Ukrainian communities. Congressmen, chairmen of congressional
commissions and committees, House of Representatives Speaker O’Neil,
and US President Ronald Reagan began receiving tens of thousands of
individual and collective petitions. Never before or since had Ukrainian
Americans organized such a large-scale campaign.

Senator Bradley submitted the same bill to the Senate on March 21, 1984.
Myron Kuropas, vice president of the Ukrainian National Association, was
very influential in the numerous Ukrainian communities of Illinois. At one
time he actively campaigned for Illinois Senator Charles Percy, who later
chaired the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Thus, the passage of the bill in this Senate committee did not encounter any
obstacles. The first hearings were held in August and ended with positive
results. Addressing the senators, Olshaniwsky said that time does not wait:
the surviving Holodomor victims were old and weak, and it was crucial to
collect their testimonies as soon as possible. On Sept. 19 the Foreign
Affairs Committee approved the bill’s wording, and two days later the
Senate unanimously approved the bill.

Meanwhile, the passage of the bill in the House of Representatives
encountered difficulties. Foreign Affairs Committee members did not want
to provoke Moscow’s wrath, and State Department officials sided with
them. The Oct. 3, 1984, hearings, held on the penultimate day of the 98th
Congress, revealed differing opinions.

Robbie Palmer, the US State Department representative, claimed there was
no need for another bureaucratic committee and that its creation would
cause “an avalanche of similar demands from other ethnic groups.”

On the contrary, Congressman David Roth, who represented the interests
of the American European [sic: read Jewish] Congress, reminded his
colleagues that the US Congress had a committee on the Jewish
Holocaust and emphasized: “The two peoples were persecuted for
political reasons and only for being who they were. The US Congress
therefore must pay equal attention to them so that the whole world will
learn about those heinous crimes, so that they will never be repeated.”

Yet the Foreign Affairs Committee did not submit the bill lobbied by the
Ukrainian organizations to the House of Representatives. Bill Bradley saved
the day by exercising his right as senator to amend the budget. On Oct. 4,
1984, the last day of the 98th Congress, he appended the funding provision
for the temporary commission on the Ukrainian Holodomor to Congress’s
Funding Resolution.

The House of Representatives, which can veto senators’ amendments,
agreed to this amendment without debating it, owing to lack of time,
since the Senate had already approved this bill.

The Funding Resolution, i.e., a 470 billion-dollar budget for the 1985
fiscal year with a funding provision for the Ukrainian Holodomor
Commission for 400,000 US dollars appended to it had to be approved
immediately. Without this procedure the government would be left
penniless.

President Ronald Reagan signed the Funding Resolution on October 12,
1984. A Congressional Commission thus came into being, whose mission
was to “carry out a study of the Ukrainian famine of 1932-1933 in order to
disseminate knowledge about the famine throughout the world and to ensure
that the American public has a better understanding of the Soviet system by
highlighting the role that the Soviets played in the famine.”

The US Congressional Commission on the Ukraine Famine was comprised
of two senators, four congressmen, three representatives of the executive,
and four representatives of the Ukrainian community.

At the request of the Organization of Americans in Defense of Human Rights
in Ukraine, James Mace, a fellow at the Harvard Ukrainian Studies Institute
and one of the few American specialists on the history of Soviet Ukraine,
was appointed the commission’s executive director.

At Harvard University, Dr. Mace was helping the English historian Robert
Conquest to collect and process historical materials for his book about the
Holodomor. Conquest had earned recognition for his study of mass
repressions in the Soviet Union in 1937-1938.

At the request of the National Committee for Commemorating the 1933
Holodomor Victims in Ukraine he started to explore this new subject. In late
1986 Oxford University Press published his book “The Harvest of Sorrow:
Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine,” which immediately created an
international sensation. The publishing house Lybid published a Ukrainian
translation in 1993 with money supplied by the Ukrainian diaspora in the US.

Nobody expected the research team of six Ukrainian-studies scholars headed
by James Mace to obtain convincing evidence of Stalin’s greatest crime,
given the commission’s short mandate. But Mace performed a scholarly and
civic feat.

The US Congressional Commission on the Ukraine Famine did not become
another bureaucratic committee, as Robbie Palmer feared it would. James
Mace and the young American researcher Leonid Herets developed methods
that made it possible to ensure the objectivity of testimonies provided by
Holodomor witnesses.

Layered one on top of the other, the testimonies corrected the subjective
nature of these personal recollections. In this way they became a
fully-fledged source.

As soon as it became possible, James Mace traveled to Ukraine, where he
settled permanently in 1993. For many years he worked at the Kyiv-Mohyla
Academy and contributed to “The Day.” “Fate decreed that the victims
chose me,” he wrote in one of his numerous columns carried by this
newspaper (Feb. 18, 2003).

Mace died on May 2, 2004. One year later “The Day’s Library Series”
published a book dedicated to him: “Day and Eternity of James Mace,”
objective proof of the weighty role this American played in Ukraine’s
contemporary history. -30-
————————————————————————————————

LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/151682 [Part Two]
=======================================================
PART THREE: WHY DID STALIN EXTERMINATE THE UKRAINIANS?
Comprehending the Holodomor.The position of soviet historians

By Stanislav KULCHYTSKY, Ph.D. (History)
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #35
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, 8 November, 2005

PART THREE:
With the Stalinist taboo broken, Soviet historians began to explore the
famine of 1933 with increasing intensity. It would be a mistake to say that
the agony of the totalitarian regime and the empire that it had created
began with the opening of this particular “Pandora’s box.”

Nonetheless, the subject of the famine resonated throughout Ukrainian
society, evolving into a discussion of the Holodomor as an act of genocide.

Cut off from the Ukrainian Diaspora behind the Iron Curtain, Soviet
historians were largely unaffected by the results of the Diaspora’s
investigation of the Holodomor. The Iron Curtain was located not only on
the borders of the USSR but inside our minds.

What I would least like to discuss in this chapter is the quantitative
accomplishments of Soviet historians on the subject of the Ukrainian famine.
The line of discussion is determined by the wording of the question: Why

did Stalin exterminate the Ukrainians?

I will therefore not discuss the facts they exposed but only how those facts
affected the researchers’ worldview. In particular, they developed an
ability to reject Soviet stereotypes, which enabled them to elicit the true
cause-and-effect relationships in the problem of the Holodomor.

The chosen line of discussion requires me to explore my own worldview and
life experience especially closely. In this sensitive matter it is hard to
find other material for the necessary generalizations.

I spent 11 years working at the Institute of Economics of the Academy of
Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR, where I studied the history of the nation’s
economy, moving from one time period to the next. I then transferred to the
Institute of History to prepare a doctoral thesis within the framework of
the so-called interwar period: from 1921 to 1941.

When I received my doctorate and was appointed to chair the Department of
Interwar History, my scholarly specialty and position required me to study
the 1933 famine once it became a widely discussed topic.

Other people in the department were studying the history of the peasants
before and after collectivization, while I specialized in the problems of
industrialization and the history of the working class. Like everybody else,
I knew about the famine.

Moreover, I had access to demographic data that was locked away in special
repositories and knew that the Ukrainian countryside had lost millions of
people, and that this loss could not be attributed to urbanization. But I
could not understand the causes of the famine.

Even in my worst nightmare I could not imagine that the Soviet government
was capable of exterminating not only enemies of the people (at the time I
never questioned the legitimacy of this notion), but also children and
pregnant women.

After several years of studying the famine, I chose a newspaper with the
highest circulation in my republic to publish a sharply-worded article “Do
we need the Soviet government?” I am grateful to the chief editor of Silski
visti [Village News] for publishing the article in unexpurgated form on June
7, 1991.

He did, however, change the title to: “What government do we need?”
Unfortunately, piety toward the Soviet government is still widespread among
many people of my generation.

Before the worldview transformation caused by my study of the Holodomor, I
was a Soviet scholar like everyone else. That is, I looked at history from
the class point of view, viewed capitalism and socialism as socioeconomic
formations, considered uncollectivized peasants to be representatives of the
petty bourgeoisie, believed that collective ownership of production
facilities was a viable option and that collective farms were the peasants’
collective property.

I considered it a normal thing that there were special repositories in
libraries and archives, i.e., I accepted the division of information into
classified and public. But for this very reason I could not understand why
the 1933 famine was a forbidden topic.

Since there was no one in Ukraine who didn’t know about it, why did this
information have to be classified? An older colleague, who also chaired a
department at the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the
Ukrainian SSR, confided in me that in his village everybody knew who had
eaten whom. They spent the rest of their lives with this knowledge.

When some important individuals on the staff of the CPU’s Central

Committee, whom I knew well, got word of a US congressional
commission on the Ukrainian famine, they went into a state of continuing
stress.

The Feb. 11, 1983, report by the Central Committee’s secretary in charge of
ideology and the Ukrainian KGB chief contained a recommendation addressed

to our specialists abroad: Do not enter into polemics on the famine. It was
clear that this polemic would be a losing proposition under any
circumstances. At the time, however, they could no longer bury their heads
in the sand.

In the fall of 1986 the CC CPU formed a so-called “anti-commission.” I found
myself among its members. We scholars were expected to produce studies that
would “expose the falsifications of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists.”

I had worked in special repositories before, but received clearance to
access “special files” of CPU committees only once I began working as a
member of the commission.

Soviet archives had one special characteristic: a researcher could have
access to 99.9 percent of all files, yet all crucial information relating to
the history of this totalitarian state was contained in the 0.01 percent of
inaccessible files.

After six months of working in the archives, I learned about the
agricultural situation in the early 1930s. After this, some causes, which I
had taken for granted since my school years, changed places with
consequences. The new cause-and-effect relationships often coincided with
what I got to read in the so-called “anti-Soviet” literature.

While I was working in the archives, the commission’s work was proving
fruitless. Perhaps those upstairs realized that the scholars had been given
an unrealistic assignment. I sent an analytical report under my own name to
the Central Committee with a proposal that the famine be officially
recognized.

Now I understand that I was demanding something impossible from the Central
Committee. Indeed, why did Stalin’s taboo on recognizing the famine last for
so long? After the 20th Congress of the CPSU, Stalin’s successors readily
condemned the political terror of 1937- 1938 because its primary victim was
the ruling party.

Unlike individual terror carried out by state security agencies, terror by
famine in 1932-1933 was carried out by party committees, the Komsomol,

trade unions, and komnezam committees of poor peasants.

How could they possibly admit that Stalin had succeeded in using the system
of government, which everybody called “people’s rule,” to exterminate the
people, i.e., to commit genocide?

In exposing famine, the rhetoric about Stalinist vices would not hide the
organic flaws of the Soviet government behind the great chieftain’s broad
back.

I remember writing that report at a time when I still had not given up many
stereotypes of the official concept of history. Now I understand that this
helped me formulate my arguments in such a way that my report would not
appear too explosive to those in a position to make the political decision
to recognize the famine.

I think this report was only about recognizing the fact that famine had
really occurred. While I, an expert on the history of the interwar period,
still could not interpret this mysterious famine as genocide in 1987, our
chiefs in the party committees were even farther from such an
interpretation.

Granted, we knew that books had been published in the West, in which the
victims of the 1933 famine said that the government had intended to destroy
them. But such stories were always rejected in the USSR as anti- Soviet
propaganda.

While rereading the text about the ability or inability of our government
officials of the time to recognize the fact of the famine, I caught myself
in a contradiction: while I state that I was demanding the impossible of the
members of the Central Committee, I am insisting that they could not
identify the famine with genocide.

I teach a course on historical methodology to M.A. students and always draw
their attention to the phenomenon of presentism: people tend to invest the
past with characteristics of contemporaneity, which it does not have, and
overlook those characteristics of that past, which are not present in their
life. For the past to shine with its true colors, we have to approach it
with expert knowledge.

I think, however, that even people who are not expert historians but have
enough life experience can recall exactly what they thought about the 1933
famine a decade and a half ago, and how their views have changed now that
thousands of horrifying documents have been published.

Those who were in power in the late 1980s had access to such documents

even in those days. I dare say, however, that they could not evaluate them
properly because they were not Stalin’s contemporaries and did not
contribute to his crimes. Like me, they were products of the Soviet school.

Later in this article I will show with concrete examples that it took both
time and great mental effort for people of my generation to grasp the famine
as an act of genocide.

Representatives of the generation that had survived the famine did not
realize, but only felt, that somebody had intended to destroy them. However,
there is a difference between understanding and feeling.

A judge listens to eyewitness testimony about a crime (in our case, the
crime of genocide), but issues his ruling only after establishing the entire
sequence of events that constitute the corpus delicti of the crime.

In appealing to the international community for recognition of the Ukrainian
Holodomor as an act of genocide, we must stop playing on emotions, which we
have been doing until now, and must instead supply corroborated evidence of
the crime.

Thus, I am certain that none of the CPU leaders realized the true essence of
the events of 1933, but they all knew that something horrible and monstrous
had happened. On the other hand, they felt that the Stalinist taboo on the
word famine could no longer continue.

For several months my report wandered from office to office at the Central
Committee. Finally, they allowed me to submit it as a scholarly article to
Ukrayinsky istorychny Zhurnal, but only once a political decision to
recognize the famine as a historical fact was publicized.

That event was scheduled for Dec. 25, 1987, when Volodymyr Shcherbytsky, the
first secretary of the CC CPU was slated to deliver his report on the 70th
anniversary of the Ukrainian SSR.

In the meantime, the liberalization of the political regime, which started
with Gorbachev’s announcement of his policy of perestroika, was becoming
more and more pronounced. The conspiracy of silence surrounding the famine
began to disintegrate by itself.

On July 16, 1987, the newspaper Literaturna Ukraina carried two articles
that mentioned the famine matter-of-factly as a well-known fact. Discussions
of the famine began in Moscow.

On Oct. 11, 1987, the famous scholar Viktor Danilov of the Institute of
Soviet History at the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, who had already
experienced much unpleasantness within the party organs for his “distorted”
portrayal of Soviet agrarian history, published a statement in the newspaper
Sovetskaia Rossiia, stating that famine had claimed a huge number of lives
in the winter and spring of 1933.

In his short article entitled “How many of us were there then?” published in
the December issue of the magazine Ogonek, Moscow-based demographer Mark
Tolts blew the lid off the suppressed union-wide census of 1937, revealing
that its organizers had been repressed for the malicious underestimation of
the population. Tolts pointed to the 1933 famine as the cause of this
“underestimation.”

On Nov. 2, 1987, CPSU Secretary General Mikhail Gorbachev delivered a report
in the Kremlin, pegged to the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution.
Aleksandr Yakovlev recalled that the conservatives and liberals on
Gorbachev’s team prepared several versions of the same report. A

conservative version of this assessment of the country’s historical path
got the upper hand, and Gorbachev did not mention the famine.

Volodymyr Shcherbytsky could not follow his Moscow patron’s example

because what had raged in Ukraine was not merely famine but manmade
famine, or the Holodomor. Moreover, the US congressional commission
was about to announce the preliminary results of its investigation.

For this reason Shcherbytsky’s anniversary report contained six or seven
lines about the famine, which was allegedly caused by drought. For the first
time in 55 years a CPSU Politburo member broke the Stalinist taboo on the
word “famine.” This created an opportunity for historians to study and
publish documents on the Holodomor.

My article, “Concerning the Evaluation of the Situation in Agriculture of
the Ukrainian SSR in 1931-1933,” was published in the March 1988 issue of
the Ukrainskyi istorychnyi Zhurnal. Its abridged version had already been
published in January 1988 in two Soviet newspapers for Ukrainian emigrants:
the Ukrainian-language Visti z Ukrainy and the English-language News from
Ukraine.

In May 1988 the Foreign Ministry of the Ukrainian SSR received the materials
of the US congressional commission via the Soviet Embassy in the US and
passed them on to the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the
Ukrainian SSR.

The English-language version of my article was almost entirely quoted and
analyzed. James Mace concluded, “The scale of the famine is minimized, the
Communist Party is depicted as doing its utmost to improve the situation,
while the actions of the Communist Party and the Soviet state, which
exacerbated the famine, have been ignored.”

This is an objective conclusion, for I had deliberately excluded materials
that had already been discovered in party archives from this article, which
in fact was my report to the CC CPU.

I could not afford to make things difficult for Shcherbytsky to render a
decision that was coming to a head under the conditions of increasing
glasnost and which was necessary in the face of the investigation being
pursued by the US Congress.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian writers were bringing the subject of the famine to the
forefront of civic and political life. On Feb. 18, 1988, Literaturna Ukraina
published Oleksa Musiyenko’s report to a meeting of the Kyiv branch of the
Writers’ Union of Ukraine.

Welcoming the new CPSU leadership’s policy of de-Stalinization, Musiyenko
accused Stalin of orchestrating a brutal grain procurement campaign in the
republic, which resulted in the Holodomor of 1933. The word “Holodomor”

used in this report was coined by the writer.

In early July 1988 the writer Borys Oliynyk addressed the 19th CPSU
conference in Moscow. Focusing on the Stalinist terror of 1937, he surprised
those present with his conclusion: “Because repressions in our republic
started long before 1937, we must also determine the causes of the 1933
famine, which killed millions of Ukrainians; we must list the names of those
who are to blame for this tragedy.”

In a November 1988 interview with the Moscow weekly Sobesednik
[Interlocutor], the writer Yuriy Shcherbak, the founder of the Green
movement in Ukraine, devoted much attention to the problem of the famine.

He was convinced that the 1933 famine was the same kind of method for
terrorizing peasants who opposed collective farm slavery as dekulakization.

At the same time, he was the first to speculate that Stalin’s policy of
repressions in Ukraine was also aimed at forestalling the danger of a
large-scale national liberation movement. The peasantry, he said, was always
the bearer of national traditions, which is why the 1933 famine was a blow
aimed against the peasants.

In the summer of 1993 James Mace published his analytical article “How
Ukraine Was Permitted to Remember” in the American journal The Ukrainian
Quarterly. In describing the process of how the Holodomor was understood, I
have followed this article to some extent and in separate instances, while
making independent evaluations. I cannot agree with one of his statements.

In July 1988 the Writers’ Union of Ukraine instructed Volodymyr Maniak to
prepare a memorial book comprised of testimonies of Holodomor survivors.
Mace wrote that Maniak was not allowed to address the famine eyewitnesses in
the press; this mission was entrusted to me. In December 1988 I appealed to
the readers of Silski visti and published a questionnaire.

In fact, neither Maniak nor I were instructed to prepare a memorial book.
This problem did not concern the republican leadership. The initiative was
Maniak’s. After enlisting the support of the Writers’ Union, he came to the
Institute of History at the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR with a
proposal to join forces.

At the time we were actively searching for documents relating to the famine,
which had been amassed in the archives of Soviet government agencies. We
collected so many sensational materials that we processed them in parallel
form: memoirs and documents. We could not immediately publish the
manuscripts we had prepared.

Radiansky Pysmennyk published the colossal book of recollections, Famine
1933. The People’s Memorial Book compiled by Maniak and his wife Lidia
Kovalenko, only in 1991. In 1992 and 1993 Naukova Dumka published a
collection of documents from the Central State Archive of the Highest Organs
of Government and Administration of Ukraine, compiled by Hanna
Mykhailychenko and Yevhenia Shatalina.

In the meantime, the substance and even the words from my article that
appeared in Ukrayinsky istorychny Zhurnal became the target of harsh
criticism in the press immediately after its publication in March 1988. Only
one year after its publication society was viewing the fundamental questions
concerning Soviet reality in a completely different way.

In 1988 I wrote a brochure for the society Znannia [Knowledge] of the
Ukrainian SSR. While the brochure was being prepared for publication, I
obtained permission from the society to publish it in Literaturna Ukraina.
At the time this newspaper was most popular among radical intellectual
circles and in the Diaspora.

The text, published in four issues of the newspaper between January and
February 1989, was the product of 18 months of archival work. Complete with
photographic evidence, the story of Viacheslav Molotov’s extraordinary grain
procurement commission shocked the public.

In June 1989 Znannia published 62,000 copies of my brochure entitled 1933:
The Tragedy of the Famine. Not surprisingly, it was published as part of
series entitled Theory and Practice of the CPSU. The art editor designed an
original cover depicting a cobweb with the brochure’s title centered in red
and white lettering.

As I reread it now, I can see that it is an accurate portrayal of the
socioeconomic consequences of forced collectivization of agriculture, the
major one being famine in many areas of the USSR.

However, at the time I still did not understand the specifics of the
Ukrainian famine. In particular, the brochure listed all the clauses of the
Nov. 18 decree of the CC CP(b)U and the Nov. 20 decree of the Council

of People’s Commissars of the Ukrainian SSR, both of which were approved
as dictated by Molotov.

These decrees were the spark plug of the Holodomor. The brochure also cited
the most disturbing clause, calling for the imposition of penalties in kind
(meat, potatoes, and other foodstuffs). However, at the time I still had no
facts about the consequences that stemmed from that clause.

For this reason the Ukrainian famine was considered the result of a mistaken
economic policy, not a deliberate campaign to seize food under the guise of
grain procurements: “Openness in the struggle against the famine would mean
recognizing the economic catastrophe that crowned Stalin’s experiment of
speeding up the pace of industrialization.

Stalin thus chose a different path, the path of cowardly and criminal
concealment of the situation in the countryside.” It follows from these
words that I did not see signs of genocide in the concealment of information
about the famine.

A detailed analysis of my own brochure was necessary to provide background
to the story about the major accomplishment of the Soviet period, which was
being quickly consigned to the past. I am speaking about the book The Famine
of 1932-1933 in Ukraine: Through the Eyes of Historians and the Language of
Documents.

The book was published in September 1990 by Politvydav Ukrainy as an imprint
of the Institute of Party History at the CC CPU. It contained articles,
including one of mine, but I will discuss the documents from the archival
funds of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist (b) Party and the
CP(b)U.

The documentary section was compiled by Ruslan Pyrih, head of the team of
compilers that included A. Kentiy, I. Komarova, V. Lozytsky, and A.
Solovyova. The official pressrun was 25,000, but the real number of
published copies was ten times smaller. When it became clear that the book
would be published, somebody decided to turn it into a bibliographic rarity.

I saw the documents discovered in the party archives of Moscow and Kyiv by
Pyrih’s team one year before their publication. Some of them are reason
enough to accuse Stalin of committing the crime of genocide, and I will cite
them in subsequent articles.

However, my immediate task is to elicit how the Holodomor was understood.

I will only say that at the time nobody saw the true substance of these few
documents, and thank God for that. If they had, they might have removed
these documents from the manuscript. It is no wonder that their contents
were underestimated. In my 1989 brochure I too could not assess the
significance of those fines in kind.

A battle over this manuscript broke out at the highest political level in
the republic – in the Politburo of the CC CPU. The Politburo meeting in
January 1990, to which I was invited as an expert, took a long time to
discuss the expediency of publishing this book.

I got the impression that those present heaved a sigh of relief when
Volodymyr Ivashko, the first secretary of the CC assumed responsibility

and proposed publishing the documents.

Why did the Politburo decide to publish such explosive documents? There

are at least two reasons.

First, in 1988-1989 the originally bureaucratic perestroika was already
evolving into a popular movement. Constitutional reform had divested the
ruling party of its power over society. In order to remain on top of the
revolutionary wave, party leaders had to distance themselves from Stalin’s
heritage.

Second, the US congressional commission had already completed its work and
published a conclusive report that contained many impressive details. The
Politburo members were familiar with the specific results of the work
carried out by Mace’s commission. I am so sure of this because I have this
particular volume, 524 pages, published in Washington in 1988, in my own
library.

The book’s cover bears the red stamp of the CC CPU’s general department,
identifying the date of receipt as Sept. 5, 1988. I obtained the book during
the transfer of Central Committee documents to the state archive after the
party was banned (as material foreign to the compiler of the funds).

The above-mentioned Politburo meeting of Jan. 26, 1990, approved a
resolution “On the 1932-1933 Famine in Ukraine and the Publication of
Archival Materials Relating to It.”

The Politburo identified the immediate cause of the famine as the grain
procurement policy that was fatal to the peasants. Yet this statement did
not correspond to the truth, much like Shcherbytsky’s statement about the
drought.

Mace came to Ukraine for the first time in January 1990. He brought me a
computer printout of the famine survivors’ testimonies recorded by the US
congressional commission. The three volumes of testimonies on 1,734 pages
were published in Washington only in December 1990.

In the first two weeks of that month the journal Pid praporom Leninizmu
[Under the Banner of Leninism] published my article “How It Happened
(Reading the Documents of the US Congressional Commission on the

1932-1933 Ukraine Famine”).

My own experience of analyzing archival documents and the testimonies
recorded by the American researchers enabled me to reach the following
conclusion: “Alongside grain procurements and under their guise, a
repressive expropriation of all food stocks, i.e., terror by famine was
organized.”

Now the conclusion about genocide was no longer based solely on the
emotional testimony of Holodomor eyewitnesses but on an analysis of

archival documents.

March 1991 saw the publication of my conclusive book, Tsina velykoho
perelomu [The Price of the Great Turning Point]. The final conclusion was
formulated in no uncertain terms: “Famine and genocide in the countryside
were preprogrammed” (p. 302).

In the years that followed I wondered why this book was not known to many
researchers of the Holodomor. But eventually I realized that the announced
pressrun of 4,000 copies could have been reduced tenfold, as it happened
with the collection of documents from the party archives. Even though the
publishing house was renamed Ukraina, it was the same old Politvydav
Ukrainy.

Reviewing the book a decade and a half later, I have reconsidered its merits
and shortcomings. Its merit lay in the detailed analysis of the Kremlin’s
socioeconomic policy that resulted in an economic crisis capable of
disrupting the political equilibrium.

This explained why Stalin unleashed terror by famine against Ukraine in one
particular period – a time when the economic crisis was at its peak. The
monograph’s shortcoming was the lack of an analysis of the Kremlin’s
nationality policy. Without such an analysis the conclusion of genocide was
suspended in midair.

In those distant years Mace and I often engaged in sharp polemics. However,
these polemics were disinterested, i.e., they concerned problems, not
specific persons. I criticized him for his inadequate attention to the
Kremlin’s socioeconomic policy, and he criticized me for my inattention to
its nationality policy.

Time has shown that establishing that the Holodomor was an act of genocide
requires an equal amount of attention to both the socioeconomic and
nationality policies.

However, Mace had an advantage in this polemic. He did not have to change
his worldview the way I had to change mine, one that was inculcated in me by
my school, university, and my entire life in Soviet society, and to do so
posthaste in the face of irrefutable facts.

He saw in me an official historian, which in fact I was. However, in the
above-mentioned article, “How Ukraine Was Permitted to Remember,” Mace
concluded the chapter on the evolution of my worldview with these words: “He
approached the development of the topic [of the famine – Author] as a Soviet
historian whose works were as political as they were scholarly. When the
possibilities for studying archives expanded, he stopped being a Soviet
historian and became simply a historian.”

The world we live in now is no worse and no better than the communism of the
Brezhnev period. It is simply different. We should not be happy or sad that
it has passed.

We must only understand that the communist system exhausted its life cycle
and that its continued existence would necessarily have involved government
pressure on society, which was germane to the first two decades of Soviet
rule, i.e., the Holodomor could also be repeated.

At this point I cannot help saying a good word about Yakovlev, who died

last month. He proposed the best possible way for a quick and managed
disintegration of the communist order.

Soviet communism disintegrated as an empire and as a system a long time

ago. Now it is imperative for us to overcome the worldview inherited from it.

Unfortunately, a decade and a half after the demise of communism this
problem persists. It can be resolved with the help of knowledge about
Ukraine’s true history in the Soviet period, including knowledge of the real
causes of the Holodomor.

I can say this based on my own life experience. -30-
———————————————————————————————

LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/152116 [Part Three]
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR – Number 601

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

“Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World”

“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” – Number 601
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
KYIV, UKRAINE, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 2005

——–INDEX OF ARTICLES——–
“Major International News Headlines and Articles”

1. YUSHCHENKO: CURRENT STATE OF UKRAINE’S MEDICAL
SECTOR ONE OF THE MOST DISTURBING PROBLEMS
Average life expectancy in Ukraine ten years lower than in
other European countries. Every month 70 thousand people die.
Radio Address to the Ukrainian Nation
President Victor Yushchenko
Official Website of President of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 12, 2005

2. UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT PASSES THREE WTO-RELATED
LAWS IN FIRST READING
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1502 gmt 15 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Tue, Nov 15, 2005

3. BRAWL IN UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT INTERRUPTS WTO VOTE

Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 8, 2005

4. UKRAINIAN LEADER CONDEMNS COMMUNISTS FOR
BLOCKING WTO-RELATED BILLS
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 1914 gmt 15 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Tue, Nov 15, 2005

5. NOT ENOUGH TIME IN 2005 TO SIGN WTO PROTOCOLS
WITH AUSTRALIA AND THE UNITED STATES
USA wants to be the last to sign agreement with Ukraine
Oleksandr Khorolskiy, Ukrinform, Tue, November 15, 2005

6. IN “INFORMAL” COMPETITION WHILE JOINING WTO
RUSSIA AND UKRAINE FACING DIFFERENT PROBLEMS
Oleksandr Khorolskiy, Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tue, November 15

7. SPEAKER LYTVYN CONSIDERS ANNOUNCEMENT OF DESIRED
WTO ENTRY DATE BY UKRAINE A MISTAKE
Ukraine still has WTO talks with United States, Australia, Armenia,
Kyrgyzstan, Colombia, Croatia, Panama, Ecuador, Egypt, and Taiwan.
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 14, 2005

8. COMMUNIST PARTY INTENDS TO PREVENT PARLIAMENT

FROM ADOPTING NEEDED WTO BILLS
Ready to perform the most radical steps
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, November 14, 2005

9. UKRAINE TRIES TO APOLOGIZE FOR ELIMINIATING
TAX BREAKS FOR INVESTORS
Special economic zones (SEZ), Territories for priority dev (TPD)
ANALYSIS: Roman Bryl, Ukraine Analyst
IntelliNews – Ukraine This Week
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 14, 2005

10. RUSSIA AND UKRAINE FAILED TO ACHIEVE AN
AGREEMENT ON TERMS FOR GAS SUPPLIES IN 2006
WPS – CIS Oil & Gas Report, Moscow, Russia, Tue, Nov 14, 2005

11. UKRAINIAN FOREIGN MINISTER TARASYUK SAYS RUSSIA
VIOLATING BLACK SEA FLEET AGREEMENT
Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tue, November 15, 2005

12. UKRAINIAN PREMIER VOWS TO PAY OUTSTANDING
VAT REFUNDS THIS YEAR
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 14 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Tue, Nov 14, 2005

13. US CONSULTANTS’ FROM BILL CLINTON’S TEAM VISIT

TO UKRAINE NOT LINKED TO UPCOMING ELECTION
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 14 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mon, Nov 14, 2005

14. SWISS OFFER UKRAINE BRIDGE TO EUROPE
Adapt legislative and economic framework to European norms
Swissinfo, Bern, Switzerland, Sunday, Nov 11, 2005

15. TELENOR’S KYIVSTAR MOBILE PHONE OPERATOR BECOMES
UKRAINE’S NO. 1 WITH 12 MILLION USERS
By Anna Ivanova-Galitsina, Dow Jones Newswires,
Moscow, Russia, Tue, November 15, 2005

16. RUSSIAN VTB BUYS BANK MRIYA IN UKRAINE FROM
EX-SENIOR OFFICIAL PETRO POROSHENKO
New Europe, Athens, Greece, Mon, November 14, 2005

17. FIVE EUROPEAN BANKS IN FINAL BID FOR UKRAINE’S
FOURTH-LARGEST BANK UKRISBBANK
By Tom Warner in Kiev and Christopher Condon in Budapest
Financial Times, London, UK, Tuesday, November 14 2005

18. AUSTRIAN 3UNITED MOBILE SOLUTIONS COMPANY

SET FOR EXPANSION IN KIEV AND BUCHAREST
News Corporation S.A., Athens, Greece, Tue, November 14, 2005

19. HEINEKEN EYEING DEALS IN UKRAINIAN BEER MARKET
By Andrew Langley, Dow Jones Newswires
Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, November 15, 2005

20. CARDINAL RESOURCES TO INVEST USD 20-40M IN UKRAINE
News Corporation S.A., Athens, Greece, Mon, November 14, 2005

21. KYIV ART ARSENAL MUSEUM COMPLEX IDEA APPROVED
Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, 14 November 2005
22. UKRAINE’S FIRST LADY IN PARIS HONORS
1932-1933 FAMINE-GENOCIDE VICTIMS
Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 14, 2005
23. 72ND OBSERVANCE OF UKRAINE’S GENOCIDE TO BE
HELD AT ST. PATRICK’S CATHEDRAL IN NEW YORK CITY
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
New York, New York, Wednesday, Nov 15, 2005
24. NEW YORK TIMES TO BE ASKED TO SURRENDER WALTER
DURANTY’S 1932 PULITZER TO THE UKRAINIAN NATION
The United Ukrainian American Organizations of Greater New York
New York, New York, Tuesday, November 15, 2005
25. UKRAINIAN POLICE SEIZE WORKS BY BELARUSIAN
DISSIDENT ARTISTS IN KIEV
Belapan news agency, Minsk, in English 1650 gmt 14 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, Monday, November 14, 2005
26. STOP ENVYING FALLING ORANGE REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE
Civic United Front Secretary Warned of a Ukraine-style revolution
By Guardian Reporter, Guardian, ippmedia.com
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Fri, November 11, 2005
27. ‘FIDDLER’ LIKE PLAY STILL VERY HOT IN UKRAINE
Ivan Franko National Academic Drama Theater in Kiev
Sold-out performance of “Tevye the Milkman”
By Vladimir Matveyev, JTA
New York, NY, Sunday, November 13, 2005
Quarterly art magazine introducing today’s Ukrainian artists
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Wednesday, November 16, 2005
========================================================
1
. YUSHCHENKO: CURRENT STATE OF UKRAINE’S MEDICAL
SECTOR ONE OF THE MOST DISTURBING PROBLEMS
Average life expectancy in Ukraine ten years lower than in
other European countries. Every month 70 thousand people die.

Radio Address to the Ukrainian Nation
President Victor Yushchenko
Official Website of President of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, November 12, 2005

Dear fellow citizens!

As President of Ukraine, I find the current state of the medical sector to
be one of the most disturbing problems.

Polls show that average life expectancy in Ukraine is ten years lower than
in other European countries. Every month we lose 70 thousand people.
Cancer, heart and blood disease are major causes of death. Every hour,
one Ukrainian dies of tuberculosis.

These terrible figures mean thousands of tragedies.

Every day, I receive dozens of letters, and you entreat me to save your
child, father, mother, brother or sister. Each letter is my personal pain.

The medical sector needs complex and profound changes. These
challenging reforms demand great efforts and support.
FIGHT AGAINST AIDS
This week, I considered this issue. We spoke about these reforms at a
cabinet meeting. On Friday, I met AIDS patients to discuss ways to
prevent and treat this lurid disease in Ukraine. Experts claim there are
400 thousand HIV-positive people in our country.

I will now personally control the fight against AIDS, cancer, tuberculosis,
heart and blood disease. In 2006, we will start four national programs to
fight these diseases. We will also open specialized national centers to
coordinate our efforts.

Next year, we will open mini centers to anonymously diagnose AIDS in each
district of Ukraine. In each regional center there will be a hospital with
20 beds for AIDS patients. I ordered the Finance Minister and the Health
Minister to implement this project.
MODERN BURN CENTER
Ukraine needs a modern burn center. It should be similar to that I saw in
Boston when visiting Nastya Ovchar, our little heroine.

American physicians were surprised at great professionalism of their
Ukrainian counterparts, who had rendered first aid to Nastya. However,
we would not have saved the girl without special equipment.
PRACTICE OF FAMILY DOCTORS
Medical reforms start with doctors. Ukraine has twice as many doctors
as developed countries. At the same time, medical services are of poor
quality, which is why our first challenge is to restore the practice of
family doctors.

The people should personally know their doctors. They are very efficient.
They know their patients well and are focused on preventing diseases
rather than treating them.
FINANCING HEALTH CARE
European countries spend 30% of their health budget on family doctors who
render about 90% of all medical services. In Ukraine, everything is totally
different, for only 5% are given to family doctors and they render 40% of
services.

We should profoundly change approaches to financing the sector.

Most funds should be used to finance the so-called first aid sector, for the
majority of people that come to doctors need first aid. We currently give
only 5% on that.
RURAL MEDICAL SECTOR
We are particularly concerned with the rural medical sector. We will renew
the network of village hospitals. They should be supplied with necessary
drugs and well-equipped. I assigned the Health Minister and Finance
Minister to solve this problem.

We should increase our expenditure to 1.200 million UAH in 2006-2007.
460 million will be used to buy new equipment, and 83 million will be
spent to purchase ambulance cars for these village hospitals. We will
provide for money to buy drugs for district and regional hospitals.

Government should be particularly solicitous for the disabled. British
Prime Minister Tony Blair has a blind minister in his cabinet, and I find
this example very significant. I want our people with particular needs to
suffer no discrimination when searching for a job or visiting libraries and
cinemas.

On June 1, I signed an order to adopt urgent measures to create favorable
conditions for the people with physical disabilities. In December, I would
like regional officials to account for its implementation. I also want to
learn what the community thinks.
INTRODUCE MEDICAL INSURANCE
We are preparing a foundation to introduce medical insurance. That will
help solve problems of illegal payments in the sector. Very soon I will
sign an order on medical reforms.

It is easier to lose your health than to restore it.

Each of us is responsible for personal health, which greatly depends on our
lifestyle. Our healthy lifestyle will make each of us prettier. It will make
our families happier. It will make the nation stronger. I urge you to lead a
healthy life.

Ukrainians have never been alcoholics. Physical strength, morality, faith
and spirituality have always been major values of our ancestors. We are
their worthy sons and daughters.

One year ago, I defined health protection as one of the priorities of my
election program Ten Steps for the People. This year, we have already
taken some serious steps.

We increased the so-called baby aid by 11 times, and 150 thousand young
mothers received this money. We also increased our expenditure on the
sector. In 2006, we will add 500 million hryvnyas to this year’s sum.

The bigger part of these funds will be used to reanimate the medical sector
in rural areas. But this is only a beginning of structural changes.
HEALTH ISSUE VITAL FOR ME
The health issue is vital for me. Every day, I am fighting consequences of
my poisoning. I believe one day I will wake up absolutely healthy and find
no awful traces of dioxin on my face.

President Franklin Roosevelt, who made radio addresses to his nation
popular, lived in a wheelchair. However, he is considered to be one of the
most successful American leaders in history.

Roosevelt said: “You need to have courage to serve your nation.”

Those who wanted to poison me made me courageous. Now I know the
real price of life and understand what suffering is. And each cell of my
body is ready to serve my people. -30-
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Subtitles by The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service.
———————————————————————————————

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2. UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT PASSES THREE WTO-RELATED
LAWS IN FIRST READING

UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1502 gmt 15 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Tue, Nov 15, 2005

KIEV – Members of the Communist Party’s [parliamentary] faction are
continuing to block the Supreme Council’s [parliament’s] rostrum.

They are continuing to block the rostrum although parliament has already
passed in the first reading the draft laws [1] “On amending certain laws of
Ukraine on customs clearance of goods”, [2] “On amending the law of
Ukraine ‘On export duty for cattle and raw hide'”, and [3] “On amending
Article 1 of the law of Ukraine ‘On export duty on scrap metal'”.

These laws are essential for Ukraine’s accession to the World Trade
Organization [WTO]. -30-

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3. BRAWL IN UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT INTERRUPTS WTO VOTE

Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 8, 2005

KIEV – A brawl erupted among Ukrainian lawmakers in parliament Tuesday,
interrupting voting on a series of bills needed for entry to the World Trade
Organization.

One of eight bills was passed, but lawmakers put off consideration of the
remaining seven following the brawl. The bill passed envisages changes to
sanitary rules for foodstuffs, including the threat of penalties.

Communists and pro-government lawmakers shoved each other and fought as
Economics Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk struggled to speak in support of WTO
membership. Communists also sounded loud, wailing sirens to drown out the
debate before the 450-member parliament broke for recess.

President Viktor Yushchenko has made WTO membership an important

goal for the country, which needs foreign investment to boost its sluggish
economy.

But parliament has so far adopted only half of the required 14-bill package,
due to opposition from Communists who fear membership will hurt

Ukrainian farmers and industry.

Yatsenyuk said that failure to adopt the bills “will not hurt the WTO…it
will hurt Ukraine”, but he expressed hope that the government and

lawmakers will settle the most disputed issues, including banking
regulations.

Some experts say Ukraine is in a rush to join because of fears that Russia
will win WTO membership earlier and then impose new conditions on
Ukraine, delaying Kiev’s admission. -30-
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4. UKRAINIAN LEADER CONDEMNS COMMUNISTS FOR
BLOCKING WTO-RELATED BILLS

Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 1914 gmt 15 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Tue, Nov 15, 2005

PARIS – President Viktor Yushchenko has said that political forces which
block adoption of laws essential for Ukraine’s accession to the World Trade
Organization are acting against the country’s strategic course.

“This is a political challenge too. I do not think these political forces
work to the benefit of Ukraine’s strategy,” the president said when meeting
representatives of French business and political circles at the French
Institute of Foreign Relations in Paris today. [Yushchenko arrived in France
on 15 November for a two-day visit]

The Communists [parliament faction] are actively blocking votes on the
WTO-related laws. Parliament, nevertheless, has adopted a number of bills
and the president has signed some of them into law. -30-

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5. NOT ENOUGH TIME IN 2005 TO SIGN WTO PROTOCOLS
WITH AUSTRALIA AND THE UNITED STATES
USA wants to be the last to sign agreement with Ukraine

Oleksandr Khorolskiy, Ukrinform, Tue, November 15, 2005

KYIV – Ukraine may sign a protocol on access to markets of goods and
services with China, but it has not enough time to sign similar protocols
with the USA and Australia, Deputy Economics Minister Volodymyr
Ihnashchenko told journalists, answering their question on Ukraine’s
progress on the way to the WTO.

According to him, Ukraine has to sign such protocols with some ten
countries more. With seven countries Ukraine will sign the protocols
within two or three weeks.

According to Mr Ihnashchenko, procedural issues have remained in
signing the protocol with China, while Australia is demanding a big
quota and low import duty on raw sugar from Ukraine.

“It’s difficult for us to find a compromise. May be some additional
legislative alterations are needed”, Volodymyr Ihnashchenko stressed.

Talking about negotiations with the USA on the matter, the Deputy
Economics Minister said that “this country is traditionally the last to
sign such agreements”. -30-
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6. IN “INFORMAL” COMPETITION WHILE JOINING WTO
RUSSIA AND UKRAINE FACING DIFFERENT PROBLEMS

Oleksandr Khorolskiy, Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tue, November 15

KYIV – In “informal” competition while joining the WTO Russia and
Ukraine are facing opposite problems, Deputy Economics Minister
Volodymyr Ihnashchenko told a Govt hot telephone line callers Tuesday.

“This is an interesting situation, both Russia and Ukraine cannot
complete the process quickly. But by this we face different problems”,
he noted.

As he said, in Ukraine the problem is with passing necessary legislative
alterations, but the process of concluding bipartite protocols is good.

In contrary, Russia has all the necessary levers to pass all amendments,
but concluding bipartite protocols is problematic there. As he said, Russia
is challenged with signing the protocols with the USA and EU countries.

At the same time, Russia has managed to uphold more profitable conditions
with countries, members in the WTO, than Ukraine has. “For instance
import duty on automobiles. We’ve agreed on 10 percent-duty, while
Russians have pressed for 25 percent”. -30-
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7. SPEAKER LYTVYN CONSIDERS ANNOUNCEMENT OF DESIRED
WTO ENTRY DATE BY UKRAINE A MISTAKE
Ukraine still has WTO talks with United States, Australia, Armenia,
Kyrgyzstan, Colombia, Croatia, Panama, Ecuador, Egypt, and Taiwan.

Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 14, 2005

KYIV – Parliament Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn considers the fact that
Ukraine has announced a concrete period within which it wants to secure
admission into the World Trade Organization a mistake. Lytvyn
announced this to journalists.

“We made a strategic mistake when we stated a timeframe,” Lytvyn said.
According to him, more attention should have been paid to the process of
admission into the WTO and not announce a deadline.

According to Lytvyn, the fact that Ukraine announced a timeframe has put
the country in a less favorable situation because member-countries of the
WTO are now making demands that Ukraine is forced to accept. Lytvyn
believes that Ukraine should have set a timeframe for itself without
announcing it.

As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Ukraine is aiming to secure admission
into the WTO during the organization’s ministerial conference scheduled for
Hong Kong in December.

In September, Ukraine agreed WTO entry terms with Iceland, the thirty-
eighth country with which it has agreed such terms.

Ukraine is presently continuing WTO entry talks with the United States,
Australia, Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Colombia, Croatia, Panama, Ecuador,
Egypt, and Taiwan. -30-

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8. COMMUNIST PARTY INTENDS TO PREVENT PARLIAMENT
FROM ADOPTING NEEDED WTO BILLS
Ready to perform the most radical steps

Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, November 14, 2005

KYIV – The Communist Party faction in the Verkhovna Rada is ready to
perform the most radical steps to prevent the parliament from adopting
several draft laws concerning Ukraine’s accession to the World Trade
Organization.

Adam Martyniuk, the parliament’s first deputy chairman, was speaking at
a press conference. “The faction will be ready to make the most radical
measures,” Martyniuk said.

He also noted that according to the present procedure, if a bill is not
adopted during the current session, the parliament cannot repeatedly
consider the bill at the same session.

Martyniuk says he doubts that the parliament will adopt draft laws
concerning metal scarp, leather raw material and support of domestic
producers.

He also criticized Ukraine’s position on accepting all demands that are
made during the talks concerning the country’s membership in the WTO.
“Sorry, but they’re wiping their feet on us,” he said.

Martyniuk recalled that the United States has not yet canceled the
Jackson-Vanik amendment for Ukraine that is causing damages to the
country, and which was adopted at the Soviet time and has no relation
to Ukraine.

He also expressed great doubts concerning Ukraine’s accession to the
WTO in 2005.

As Ukrainian News reported, on November 3, deputies belonging to the
Communist Party faction blocked the rostrum of the Verkhovna Rada in
protest against the inclusion of draft laws necessary for Ukraine’s
admission into the World Trade Organization on the parliament’s agenda.

During the vote on the issues that should be included on the agenda,
Communist Party deputies switched on a siren to drown out Parliament
Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn’s voice. -30-
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9. UKRAINE TRIES TO APOLOGIZE FOR ELIMINATING
TAX BREAKS FOR INVESTORS
Special economic zones (SEZ), Territories for priority dev (TPD)

ANALYSIS: Roman Bryl, Ukraine Analyst
IntelliNews – Ukraine This Week
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 14, 2005

President orders to restore some tax breaks for investors working
in SEZ and TPD —–

President Victor Yuschenko ordered government to develop a system of
compensating losses investors incurred after the liquidation of special
economic zones (SEZ) and territories for priority development (TPD).

SEZ and TPD were offering investors a variety of tax privileges and aimed
to create favorable conditions to promote investments in Ukraine.

When creating SEZ, government hoped they could bring an extra USD 18bn
of FDI in 5 years. Although this period was not finished yet, government
decided to abolish tax preferences for SEZ in March 2005. The government
making that decision was guided by several factors.

FIRST, SEZ and TPD failed to attract the planned amount of FDI. By the
start of 2005 only USD 2.1bn of FDI was attracted through SEZ.

SECOND, government received many evidences proving that tax breaks
in SEZ had created conditions for unequal competition.

For instance, in Donetsk region it was unveiled that a company imported
equipment using preferential taxation and then sold it at dumping prices.

THIRD, the state budget suffered huge losses due to introduction of the
breaks.

Main types of privileges:
[1] Tax breaks given to investors in SEZ and TPD;
[2] Special customs duties;
[3] Profit tax break (from 20% to 50%);
[4] No tax on investment (most of SEZ and TPD);
[5] No entrance customs duties and VAT;
[6] No obligation to exchange funds in foreign currency (most of SEZ and
TPD);
[7] Lower rent for land (50% for 3-10 years on average).

By abolishing SEZ government wants to destroy illegal schemes of money
laundering By disbanding SEZ, government hoped to destroy illegal schemes
designed by mischievous investors. But government obviously took a wrong
measure to prevent these breaches, in our view.

It would have been better to develop effective measures for custom services
and other regulatory authorities to prevent activities of such investors.
That would have not harmed investors that operated in SEZ without breaking
the law.

Government fails to determine how to estimate investors’ activity within
SEZ —–

Before government decided to abolish SEZ and TPD, EconMin and FinMin
had made separate analyses of the efficiency of such territories. The
results
of the analyses were similar: only 4 investors working in SEZ fulfilled all
investment obligations. Ministries did not reveal which methodology they had
used that produced such a pessimistic outcome.

According to another official source, secretary of national security and
defense council Anatoliy Kinakh, out of 590 projects examined 170 fulfilled
all necessary investment obligations. The main reason of the contradictions
was that there was no unified methodology for determining whether investors
made needed obligations.

According to existing methodology, activity of investors working in SEZ was
examined using 7 criteria. The performance of an investor was considered
sufficient when he satisfied all 7 criteria. But practice showed that
investors could over-perform on one criteria but temporary failed to satisfy
on another.

Perhaps the entity was not an infringer but he was treated as one. It would
be more correct to estimate activities of investors in SEZ using softer
criteria. For instance, more than 1/3 out of 60 projects in Kharkiv region
TPD fulfilled their obligations by 80%, which could be regarded as positive
result.

Most heads of SEZ and TPD considered that activities of investors were not
properly analyzed. It took more then a year to make proper analysis of such
kind taking into consideration existing bureaucratic procedures. In
particular, investors needed more than 1 year to prove they met all
promises.

Most SEZ suffer from abolishing preferences —–

Abolishing tax breaks forced investors to cease their activities in SEZ.
Among 142 projects realized in Donetsk region, 137 entities needed to revise
their business plans. In Lugansk region all 32 projects were mostly stopped
after abolishing privileges.

At the end of 2004 authorities of Zhitomyr region TPD coordinated 8
investment projects but currently only 1 was launched. And this project was
launched only due to its reliance on internal investments (equipment for the
project was bought in Ukraine). Zakarpattya SEZ expected to attract USD
158mn in 2005 but failed to attract any.

There were 9 investment projects in Mykolaiv region and 2 of them have been
cancelled already. Even previously most successful SEZ and TPD suffer at
present from closure of companies.

Yavoriv SEZ, where 77 projects out of 90 were regarded as highly profitable
and successful, started to fire employees and decrease production volumes.
Slavutich SEZ can be regarded as an exception: 16 companies continue to
realize 19 projects. There is only one reason: government is too
inconsequent in its attitude to SEZ and rules of the game can be changed
once more.

Government: proposal to launch promissory notes on VAT refunds
to favor investors —–

Government, observing the negative impact on investors and SEZ decided
to restore tax breaks. But only partially. Government sent to all investors
a draft that offers investors to give customs authorities promissory notes for
VAT reimbursement when importing goods to Ukraine. The reimbursement
period is set at 180 days.

This draft can hardly be regarded as restoration of tax privileges. But this
is better than nothing. Investors were attracted to SEZ by a wide range of
breaks including income tax, land lease, customs duties, etc.

Still, government’s latest proposal is not relevant because it favors only
importers of equipment, while in most cases the equipment had been
imported already. Nevertheless, some companies import different parts,
assembling them into end products, and then exporting the products.

These investors mostly work in the Western part of Ukraine that is close to
the EU border. But these entities hope that after implementing the new
reimbursement scheme, government will make the next step and restore
preferential customs duties.

Investors want all privileges to be restored —–

We must note that government’s initiative cannot be approved by a
governmental order. The liquidation of tax breaks was done via law.
Another special law would have to be passed to restore or present new
kinds of tax benefits. It would take a lot time to approve this legislation
due to political reasons.

Also, in Ukraine promissory notes are a widely used mechanism for
financial manipulations. It is possible that investors will not wait 180
days to redeem notes and will sell them to banks at discount rates.

The banks can re-sell them further disfiguring the real price of
promissory notes.

In any case, notes will not help attract investors into SEZ and TPD.
Investors are waiting for full restoration of preferences. To be continued.
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10. RUSSIA AND UKRAINE FAILED TO ACHIEVE AN
AGREEMENT ON TERMS FOR GAS SUPPLIES IN 2006

WPS – CIS Oil & Gas Report, Moscow, Russia, Tue, Nov 14, 2005

On November 10, negotiations of Gazprom with representatives of Naftogaz
Ukrainy on terms for supplies and transit of Russian gas held in Moscow
failed, reported a source in Gazprom.

Despite the achievements previously achieved on the supreme level with
regard to switching to payment for transit and gas supplies with money at
prices and tariffs corresponding to the European ones, Ukrainian party keeps
insisting that nothing should be changed and terms for gas supplies and
transit in 2006, should remain unchanged.

For five years, the price of Russian gas supplied to Ukraine amounted to $50
per 1,000 cubic meters, although the basic price was $80 per 1,000 cubic
meters. During the same period prices on European market almost doubled.

The market price of gas for Ukraine calculated according to net back method
(the price of gas on the “basic” sales market minus transportation costs)
amounts to about $160 per 1,000 cubic meters. Meanwhile, Naftogaz Ukrainy
denied information about negotiations with Gazprom.

The PR service of the company reported, “On November 10, official
representatives of Naftogaz did not visit Moscow and did not hold any
negotiations with Gazprom.

Gazprom and Naftogaz Ukrainy permanently conduct consultations on the
level of specialists but visits of representatives of the companies in the
framework of such events do not have a status of official negotiations.”
(Source: Vremya Novostei, November 11, 2005) -30-
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11. UKRAINIAN FOREIGN MINISTER TARASYUK SAYS RUSSIA
VIOLATING BLACK SEA FLEET AGREEMENT

Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tue, November 15, 2005

KIEV – Ukrainian Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk lashed out at Russia
Tuesday, accusing it of violating an agreement that allows Moscow to
base its Black Sea Fleet in a Ukrainian port.

The two nations divided up the Soviet Black Sea fleet after years of
arguments following the 1991 Soviet collapse and Russia was allowed to
baseits fleet at Sevastopol until 2017. But they squabble periodically, with
Ukraine frequently complaining that Russia isn’t upholding its side of the
1997 agreement.

In comments to the Kievskiye Vedomosti newspaper, Tarasyuk accused
Russia of illegally appropriating extra land in the port, posting signs that
read “Territory of Russian Federation” and closing off whole streets.

“This can’t but worry us,” Tarasyuk was quoted as saying. He told the
newspaper that Russia illegally occupied nearly 150 hectares of land
around Sevastopol that aren’t covered by the 1997 agreement, and is
renting out other land in violation of the deal.

“They are receiving commercial profits from these spaces, which should
have been used for another purpose – in the interests of the Black Sea
Fleet,” Tarasyuk was quoted as saying.

There was no immediate response to the accusations from Russian
officials. He also complained that Russian flags fly from parts of
Sevastopol and Russian patrols march with weapons through the
streets.

Russia and Ukraine frequently trade verbal barbs over a range of
issues, from gas transit to their shared border in the Black and Azov
Seas. -30-
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12. UKRAINIAN PREMIER VOWS TO PAY OUTSTANDING
VAT REFUNDS THIS YEAR

Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian 14 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Tue, Nov 14, 2005

KIEV – Outstanding VAT refunds will be paid in full by the end of this
year, except in those cases now heard in courts, Ukrainian Prime Minister
Yuriy Yekhanurov has said.

“By the end of the year we will fully repay all outstanding VAT refunds,
except in those cases now heard in courts,” Yekhanurov said at the
conference entitled “Future Business and Economic Priorities for
Ukraine” in Kiev today.

The cabinet is now calculating outstanding VAT arrears, which are being
disputed in courts, he said, adding that “according to the available
estimates, this is one half of the whole debt, which equalled 1.7bn
hryvnyas [about 336m dollars] on 1 November”.

He urged businessmen to work more actively with courts in order to
speed up the decision-making process concerning VAT refunds. “We
can do this, and we will do this,” he said. -30-
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13. US CONSULTANTS’ FROM BILL CLINTON TEAM VISIT TO
UKRAINE NOT LINKED TO UPCOMING ELECTION

Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 14 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mon, Nov 14, 2005

KIEV – Two American political consultants from the team of former US
President Bill Clinton are visiting Ukraine to share their experience of the
work of the offices of heads of state around the world and the visit is not
connected to the upcoming parliament election [in March 2006], the press
secretary of the Ukrainian president [Viktor Yushchenko], Iryna
Herashchenko, said today.

“Only Ukrainian experts work in President Yushchenko’s team, but it is
absolutely right to share the experience of the work of offices of other
countries,” she said.

“Today when the secretariat is being reorganized, its administration closely
studies the experience of the presidential offices of our closest
neighbours, including Russia and Poland, as well as France and America,”
he said.

She said the American consultants’ visit has nothing to do with the upcoming
parliamentary election in Ukraine.

“No, it has nothing to do with the election campaign,” she stressed, adding
that Bill Clinton and Viktor Yushchenko discussed this visit when they met
in Davos [January 2005] and the idea came from the American side, but for
technical reasons they were not able to come until now.

Herashchenko said that during the previous parliamentary and presidential
elections Yushchenko was “the only [politician] whose team was made up
of Ukrainian experts only.”

She said that this week the American experts will hold one-day seminars
and meet the heads of structural divisions [of the presidential
secretariat].

“We are convinced that it is never too late to study. We are very interested
in their opinion,” she said.

[The Washington Whispers section on the US News and World Report web
site reported recently that Clinton’s former press secretary Mike McCurry
and ex-Chief of Staff John Podesta are travelling to Ukraine “to meet with
Yushchenko and dispense a little advice”.] -30-
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14. SWISS OFFER UKRAINE BRIDGE TO EUROPE
Adapt legislative and economic framework to European norms

Swissinfo, Bern, Switzerland, Sunday, Nov 11, 2005

Ukraine’s move towards democracy and membership of the European
Union has been the focus of a one-day meeting in Lugano.

At the Focus on Eastern Europe conference, Swiss Foreign Minister
Micheline Calmy-Rey said Switzerland wants to smooth the way for
Ukraine’s entry into Europe. Calmy-Rey said in this way Switzerland
could contribute to the long-term stabilisation of eastern Europe.

She added that Switzerland could in particular help Ukraine adapt its
legislative and economic framework to European norms – something
she said the former Soviet republic would have to do.

She said Switzerland’s experience showed that this wasn’t easy, which
was why Switzerland wanted to make the relevant know-how available.

A first step in this direction has already been taken. At the end of June
Calmy-Rey paid an official visit to Ukraine and, at the request of Ukrainian
President Viktor Yuschenko, made a Swiss consultant available to him.

“I am convinced our diplomats possess knowledge that will be of great
value to Ukraine,” Calmy-Rey said on Friday, adding that Switzerland had
special expertise in the fields of decentralisation and fighting corruption.

The foreign minister said Switzerland and Ukraine should work together
more “because neither of us is in the EU but we share European values”.
She said both countries belonged to Europe based on their cultural
identities and political circumstances.
FINANCIAL SUPPORT
Walter Fust, head of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation
(SDC), and Oscar Knapp, from the Swiss State Secretariat for Economic
Affairs (Seco), emphasised how much Switzerland’s work was appreciated
by partner countries in the east.

Since the mid-1990s the SDC and Seco had supported projects for reform
in Ukraine at a cost of SFr8-9 million ($6-6.8 million) a year.

Fust said the main areas of focus for the SDC were judicial reform, the
sustained cultivation of natural resources such as drinking water, and the
strengthening of public society.

Seco concentrated on promoting the private sector, primarily by supporting
and financing small and medium-sized businesses, in addition to
strengthening “corporate governance” in firms and the banking sector.
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15. TELENOR’S KYIVSTAR MOBILE PHONE OPERATOR BECOMES
UKRAINE’S NO. 1 WITH 12 MILLION USERS

By Anna Ivanova-Galitsina, Dow Jones Newswires,
Moscow, Russia, Tue, November 15, 2005

MOSCOW — Ukraine’s mobile phone operator Kyivstar said Tuesday that it
became the largest company by subscriber number in Ukraine with 12 million
users to date.

Kyivstar, majority owned by Norway’s Telenor ASA (TELN), said that its
subscriber base is 200,000 larger in user number than that of the closest
competitor in Ukraine.

Previously, the largest operator by user number in Ukraine was UMC, a
company 100%-owned by Russia’s largest operator OAO Mobile
TeleSystems (MBT). (Company Web site:
http://www.kyivstar.net)
————————————————————————————————
Anna Ivanova-Galitsina, Dow Jones Newswires,
anna.galitsina@dowjones.co

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Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
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16. RUSSIAN VTB BUYS BANK MRIYA IN UKRAINE FROM
EX-SENIOR OFFICIAL PETRO POROSHENKO

New Europe, Athens, Greece, Mon, November 14, 2005

Russia’s biggest state-owned foreign trade bank, Vneshtorgbank (VTB), is
buying Ukraine’s Mriya bank, in an attempt to expand into the country’s
retail market, RIA Novosti reported on November 4.

Mriya, which is one of Ukraine’s top thirty banks, was considered to be
the property of the former chief of Ukraine’s Security Council, Petro
Poroshenko.

VTB President Andrei Kostin said Mriya had a network of 22 branches
and 143 offices, covering nearly all of Ukraine’s regions. He added that
the bank’s modest financial indicators had made the price very attractive,
but did not reveal the exact sum.

Yury Ushkov, an analyst with Troika Dialog investment in Kiev, put the
price at USD 80-100 million, or two or three times Mriya’s capital. -30-
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17. FIVE EUROPEAN BANKS IN FINAL BID FOR UKRAINE’S
FOURTH-LARGEST BANK UKRISBBANK

By Tom Warner in Kiev and Christopher Condon in Budapest
Financial Times, London, UK, Tuesday, November 14 2005

Five European banks have made final bids for a 51 per cent stake in
Ukrsibbank, the fourth-largest bank in Ukraine, in a private tender likely
to fetch up to $350m, according to bankers involved.

France’s Société Générale, Austria’s Erste Bank, Hungary’s OTP, Italy’s
Banca Intesa and Commerzbank of Germany were up against each other
in what is being seen as the second round in a contest among Europe’s
big groups to sweep up most of the best banks in Ukraine.

The first round ended last month when Austria’s Raiffeisen International
paid $1.04bn for 93 per cent of Bank Aval, Ukraine’s second-biggest, after
fighting off some of the groups that are now bidding for Ukrsibbank.

Some of the same banks and others such as Italy’s UniCredito are also
looking at Ukrsotsbank, Ukraine’s third-biggest, which last month revived
contacts with prospective buyers after a planned sale to Russia’s Alfa Bank
was called off.

Ukrsibbank has a 5.3 per cent market share in Ukraine with assets of $1.75bn
and more than 700 branches. Its rise in the 1990s was closely linked to its
owners’ holdings in the metallurgy and chemicals industries, but in recent
years it has shifted focus to retail banking, mortgages and consumer
lending.

Most of the bidders are the big western European groups which dominate
the banking sectors of Ukraine’s central European neighbours.

The one notable exception is OTP, a home-grown Hungarian bank which has
become a big player in the region, despite its independent status amid a
crowd of multinational heavyweights. OTP owns Bulgaria’s second-largest
bank and has smaller holdings in Slovakia, Croatia and Romania.

Ukrsibbank’s owners, Olexander Yaroslavsky and Ernest Galiyev, who are
also members of parliament, plan to retain a 49 per cent stake and remain
active in developing the bank with a view to selling the rest of their
shares later, one banker involved in the tender said.

However, the buyer would receive contractual guarantees allowing it to
increase its stake to more than 60 per cent if a conflict arose with the
Ukrainian owners. -30-
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18. AUSTRIAN 3UNITED MOBILE SOLUTIONS COMPANY
SET FOR EXPANSION IN KIEV AND BUCHAREST

News Corporation S.A., Athens, Greece, Tue, November 14, 2005

The Austrian premium SMS and m-commerce provider 3united mobile
solutions said last Tuesday in a statement it plans to strengthen its market
leadership in eastern and south-eastern Europe by establishing subsidiaries
in Ukraine and Romania.

In addition to the company’s current subsidiaries in Vienna, Russia,
Croatia, Czech Republic and the US, 3united is set to establish subsidiaries
in Kiev and Bucharest, reads the statement.

3united is setting the stage for the continuation of its rapid expansion in
the growth markets of Eastern and Southern Europe, where the demand for
premium SMS connectivity and mobile services such as mobile ticketing,
cellphone styling, cellphone games and community services (e.g. dating and
chatrooms) is mushrooming.

“The initial short codes are slated to go live this year. 3united currently
services Eastern European customers such as Jamba, sms.ac, txtNation
and many others,” said board member Andreas Wiesmuller.

Over the past 18 months, 3united has been focusing on expanding into
Southern and Eastern Europe.

The company’s performance computing centre in Austria allows for
cross-border transmission and billing of SMS services via direct
connections to the networks of that region’s mobile services. 3united’s
services currently reach over 400 million mobile customers in Russia,
Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Austria, Germany, Switzerland,
Poland, Czech Republic, Romania and Hungary.

The company acquired iTOUCH UK und iTOUCH Ireland as customers
in October 2005, thus enabling 3united to greatly strengthen its market
position in Western Europe. -30-
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19. HEINEKEN EYEING DEALS IN UKRAINIAN BEER MARKET

By Andrew Langley, Dow Jones Newswires
Moscow, Russia, Tue, November 15, 2005

MOSCOW — With the process of consolidation almost complete in the
Russian beer market, Heineken Holding NV (00897.AE) is considering
acquisitions in neighboring Ukraine, Heineken Russia’s Chief Executive
Roland Pirmez said Tuesday.

“We’re always looking at Ukraine,” Pirmez said on the sidelines of a
conference organized by the Adam Smith Institute. He said the Belarus
market is also an interesting one – although less so than Ukraine, due to
the political situation there.

Pirmez said few acquisition targets remain in Russia, so the next step of
consolidation will be the distribution network. “Over the next five years,
there will be huge consolidation of distribution,” Pirmez said, adding that
Heineken currently has over 100 distributors around Russia.

Heineken’s arch rival, Baltic Beverages Holding (BBH.YY) which controls
over a third of the country’s beer market, has also announced plans to
unify its distribution network.

Pirmez said another feature of the Russian beer market will be a decrease
in the number of brands. Heineken is Russia’s third-largest brewer, with a
market share of 16%. -30-
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Andrew Langley, Dow Jones Newswires;
andrew.langley@dowjones.com
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20. CARDINAL RESOURCES TO INVEST USD 20-40M IN UKRAINE

News Corporation S.A., Athens, Greece, Mon, November 14, 2005

Britain’s Cardinal Resources Plc plans to invest USD 20 – 40 million in
developing three oil and gas fields in Poltava region in Ukraine over the
next htree to five years, company CEO Robert Bench said last Tuesday,
Interfax reported.

In particular, Cardinal will invest USD 20 million in developing the
Belousovsko-Cheernukhinskoye and Severo-Yablunovskoye oil and
gas fields another USD 20 million in developing the Dubrovskoye field,
if reserves are confirmed there.

Bench said that Cardinal Resources will invest in acquiring high-tech
equipment, which is not yet produced in Ukraine, and also in installing
state-of-art hydrocarbon production technology. -30-
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21. KYIV ART ARSENAL MUSEUM COMPLEX IDEA APPROVED

Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, 14 November 2005

KYIV – Victor Yushchenko presided over a meeting of the Art Arsenal
Council. Humanitarian Vice Prime Minister Vyacheslav Kyrylenko, Culture
and Tourism Minister Ihor Likhovy and Kyiv Mayor Oleksandr Omelchenko
took part in the meeting to approve a concept of this museum complex.

The President was particularly grateful to Vyacheslav Kyrylenko, Deputy Head
of the Council, for formulating the concept. The Head of State said he was
convinced its approval would be a “historic decision.” Kyrylenko noted that
the Art Arsenal should be a center to promote the Ukrainian culture.

He added that, formulating the concept, a working group had decided to found
several museums at the complex: a history museum, a modern and folk art
museum, a jewelry museum, and a museum of private collections. Besides, they
plan to open various centers and build a children’s town within the complex.

Kyrylenko suggested they should encourage parliamentarians to pass a bill
on the Art Arsenal regulating financial and administrative aspects of the
project.

The President is sure that private companies can also take part in the
implementation of the project and suggested they should form a council of
sponsors by December 1.

The participants of the meeting agreed that the working group should revise
the existing concept and submit it to Victor Yushchenko by November 25.

*On October 7, 2005, Victor Yushchenko signed a decree to establish the
Council of the Art Arsenal. According to the decree, the major task of the
council is to define conceptual fundamentals of the museum complex and
consolidate society to implement the project. -30-
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22. UKRAINE’S FIRST LADY IN PARIS HONORS
1932-1933 FAMINE-GENOCIDE VICTIMS
The President’s wife urged all citizens of Ukraine to honor
Famine victims by lighting candles on November 26, at 4 PM.dddd
Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 14, 2005

KYIV – Along with almost two thousand people, Kateryna
Yushchenko visited the Notre Dame de Paris to take part in the
third liturgy to commemorate victims of the 1932-1933 genocide
famine.

In her short interview with Ukrainian journalists, she said “it was time
Ukrainians and foreigners should remember and learn more about the
famine.” “We have no right to forget millions of the dead and should
worthily commemorate them,” she said.

The President’s wife urged all citizens of Ukraine to honor Famine
victims by lighting candles on November 26, at 4 PM.

In his sermon, Cardinal Andre Vent-Trua, assistant to the Archbishop
of Paris, said the French vicariously mourned for seven million victims
of the artificial famine organized by the communist regime. Ukrainian
Ambassador Yuriy Sergeyev was present at the liturgy. -30-
—————————————————————————————
FOOTNOTE: The International Ukrainian Holodomor-Genocide
Committee urges everyone around the world connected to Ukraine
to light a candle the night of Saturday, November 26, 2005.
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23. 72ND OBSERVANCE OF UKRAINE’S GENOCIDE TO BE
HELD AT ST. PATRICK’S CATHEDRAL IN NEW YORK CITY

Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
New York, New York, Wednesday, Nov 15, 2005

NEW YORK – On Saturday, November 19th the annual commemorative
observance of Ukraine’s Genocide will take place at St. Patrick’s Cathedral
in New York City.

Sponsored by the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA),
the now traditional observance, which begins at 2:00PM, will include an
ecumenical memorial service (panakhyda) co-celebrated by the hierarchy
of the Ukrainian Catholic and Orthodox Churches.

Bishop Basil Losten of the Ukrainian Catholic Church along with
Archbishop Antony of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the USA will
be the main co-celebrants, while The Dumka Choir of New York City
will sing the responses to the memorial service.

Following the religious portion of the commemoration, government
officials and guests will be afforded an opportunity to offer their remarks.
The UCCA has also appealed to President George W. Bush to offer a
statement in honor of the 72nd anniversary of Ukraine’s Genocide that
will be read at the commemoration.

The entire Ukrainian American community of greater New York
metropolitan area is invited and urged to participate in this solemn
ecumenical observance of the 72nd anniversary of Ukraine’s Genocide.
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24. NEW YORK TIMES TO BE ASKED TO SURRENDER WALTER
DURANTY’S 1932 PULITZER TO THE UKRAINIAN NATION

The United Ukrainian American Organizations of Greater New York

New York, New York, Tuesday, November 15, 2005

NEW YORK – At noon on Friday, November 18, 2005, opposite The
NY Times Building at 229 43rd Street, informed, responsible & caring
Ukrainians will demand that Arthur Sulzberger Jr. [New York Times]

SURRENDER DURANTY’S 1932 PULITZER
TO THE UKRAINIAN NATION

In the future Ukraine will build a research institute dedicated to the study
of the Ukrainian Famine Genocide of 1932-1933. Duranty’s Pulitzer
deserves a special place in that institute.

Millions of innocent Ukrainians paid with their lives, slowly, agonizingly,
for Duranty’s prize. “Stalin’s apologist” denied the truth, suppressed &
distorted the facts.

The NY Times, America’s “newspaper of record”, repeatedly printed
Duranty’s Soviet propaganda and American leftists of the 1930’s eagerly
lapped up the apologists stew.

When the crimes of Joseph Stalin, Lazar Kaganovich, Vyacheslav

Molotov, Mendel Khataevych et.al. are fully revealed and they are
enshrined in a pantheon of Soviet infamy, one that parallels that of
the Nazis, Walter Duranty & The NY Times will be inducted as
accomplices and collaborators.

“There is no famine or actual starvation nor is there likely to be.”
-New York Times, Nov. 15, 1931, page 1

AIM (Accuracy In Media) reported: “In November of 1933 he [Duranty]
stood in the Oval Office of the White House as President Roosevelt
announced the diplomatic recognition of the USSR – an initiative he

would not have dared had the public known of the horrendous death

volodymyrlev@gmail.com
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25. UKRAINIAN POLICE SEIZE WORKS BY BELARUSIAN
DISSIDENT ARTISTS IN KIEV

Belapan news agency, Minsk, in English 1650 gmt 14 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, Monday, November 14, 2005

MINSK – Police officers in Kiev have seized all the works by Belarusian
dissident artists that were on display at the Belarusian National Centre,
which opened close to Independence Square in early June.

Berkut elite police officers raided the centre on the evening of 11
November, alleging that its management was late on lease payments. The
officers promised to return the paintings after the administration produces
documents confirming that they had been brought to Ukraine legally.

Centre coordinator Syarhey Vysotski told Belapan that the required
documents are kept in Belarus. He said the centre administration had
appealed to the Ukrainian Supreme Council [parliament] for explanations.
According to him, the centre has paid the lease until 15 December.

Oleh Venzhyk, deputy spokesman for the Ukrainian Interior Ministry, said
that the police had not seized any paintings from the Belarusian National
Centre. “An investigative team is currently working there in connection with
the disappearance of some documents,” he told Belapan.

The exhibition of works by Alyaksey Marachkin, Ihar Marachkin, Henadz
Drazdow, Ales Pushkin and Syarhey Tsimokhaw opened in central Kiev
on 27 September. It included works that the artists could not show in
Belarus for political reasons.

The centre was established with assistance from the Ukrainian People’s
Party to support democratic forces in Belarus. -30-
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26. STOP ENVYING FALLING ORANGE REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE
Civic United Front Secretary Warned of a Ukraine-style revolution

By Guardian Reporter, Guardian, ippmedia.com
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Fri, November 11, 2005

People often say that what you speak is what you think and eventually the
same become part of your life. To compliment it, the hero you admire is the
one whose footsteps you follow.

So does Seif Sharrif Hamad want to be like the falling Victor Ushchenko
who is now surrendering the Ukraine to Western carnivores of democracy?

Civic United Front (CUF) secretary, Seif Shariff Hamad warned of a
Ukraine-style revolution in Nairobi on the month of September in case
ruling party CCM rigs the just ended elections.

Now this statement has been raising the tension in Tanzania’s politically
volatile semi-autonomous state just a few days after Shariff Hamad
declared that the election was rigged.

In Nairobi, Shariff Hamad stated that if the elections conditions were not
met as was the case on 30 October, then Zanzibar will follow example of
Ukraine popularly known as ‘Orange Revolution’.

He says that because the elections were rigged once again, the people will
rise and will have no choice, but to express their dissatisfaction \”in the
only way we know-through peaceful demonstrations.\”

Just to look A year after the ‘orange revolution’ (that Hamad seem to envy)
that swept him to power, Ukraine’s President Viktor Yushchenko is visibly
tired, bitter about his shattered revolutionary team, and as determined as
ever to lead the ex-Soviet nation on a pro-Western course.

So when people voted Yushchenko, many were probably voting for a
package – Yushchenko and Tymoshenko, and their promise of a new free,
democratic Ukraine.

Now in Ukraine there is increasing evidence of economic disruption after
Orange Revolution. According to local media reports, the country’s foreign
trade revenue is falling by some $4m per day, and there are warnings that a
shortage of hard currency could soon hit the state budget.

The number of freight Lorries entering the country has reportedly dropped
to one third of its usual level.

“Now the only alternative for the Ukraine is to join NATO and it is sad to
say that if it will adopt Western style of democratization that has proved
failure in Afghanistan, then Ukraine will regret in the future incidences,
Novynosky the economic analysts in Ukraine believe so.

Only 18% on the Western Ukraine voted and agreed on joining NATO and
5% only accepted in the East, but despite of the majority denial to join the
NATO, Yushchenko has decide to join it while backed by USA and UK,
the countries which pretend to be democratizing agent.

USA and it’s alies in Europe has trapped the Ukraine in the name of
terrorism, the same thing that has ruined Afghanistan and Iraq through the
implementation of ‘false Western Democracies’.

USA and UK told the media in Ukraine that if Ukraine does join NATO, it
will enable the alliance to control its weapons exports and to prevent them
falling into the hands of hostile states or terrorist groups.

False democratization of Western countries has never ever played positive
role elsewhere in the World.

In Afghanistan where USA thought to bring democracies and hence
development, Bush administration, already under fire for under-funding the
rebuilding of Afghanistan and permitting that country’s warlords to retain
their power, is now facing charges that it is allowing Afghan drug
production to boom.

Now Afghan is the number one opium producer, worse that when the
Talebanese were in power, what a Western Democracy?

Hamad must know that democracy is not a switch, it is a process. It is
not just about the ballot box.

You can have a constitution that is second to none, but if you don’t have
the institutions civil society, the rule of law and the human rights
underpin, it won’t work.

Getting to the democracy is an evolutionary process. A thing like
corruption is not just about money, it is people thinking they are entitled
to a government job.

For an island like Zanzibar where family and regions connections (Pemba
andUnguja) have always counted so much, there is some way to go. Then
having divisive politics in Zanzibar like it is now, there is a way to go.
In fact, the people of Pemba were not poorer than other Tanzanians.

The per capita GDP of Zanzibar, which takes into account Unguja and
Pemba is higher than that of Tanzania Mainland. Nevertheless, Seif Sharif
Hamad politics, like that of Victor Ushchenko whose politics of ‘Orange
Revolution style’ he so much admires, is of division and spreads among
the people of Pemba. -30-
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LINK: http://www.ippmedia.com/ipp/guardian/2005/11/15/54083.html
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27. ‘FIDDLER’ LIKE PLAY STILL VERY HOT IN UKRAINE
Ivan Franko National Academic Drama Theater in Kiev
Sold-out performance of “Tevye the Milkman”

By Vladimir Matveyev, JTA
New York, NY, Sunday, November 13, 2005

KIEV – On a recent Friday night, hundreds of people at a Kiev theater
watched as a few people lit Shabbat candles and said the traditional
blessings.

This wasn’t a religious service or an outreach session aimed at teaching
Jews about their heritage; in fact, there were no Jews among those
lighting candles – and probably just a handful of them in the audience.

Instead, the ceremony was part of a sold-out performance of “Tevye the
Milkman,” which is enjoying its 16th season this year at the Ivan Franko
National Academic Drama Theater in Kiev.

The play, by the Russian Jewish author Grigory Gorin, is based on the
writings of the Yiddish classic Sholem Aleichem. Its plot is similar to
“Fiddler on the Roof.”

The ongoing success of the show is attributed to the high quality of the
production, the brilliant performance by the actor Bogdan Stupka as
Tevye, and the never-ending interest of many Ukrainians in Jewish
culture.

One of the spectators said the success of the Jewish story with a mainly
non-Jewish public is easy to explain.

“It’s an outstanding story with beautiful music and dances and the
spectacular acting by Bogdan Stupka. This combination makes the show
a great success in Ukraine, the motherland of Sholem Aleichem,” said
Sergei Komissarenko, a former Ukrainian Cabinet member and
Ukraine’s former ambassador to London.

He said this was his sixth time seeing “Tevye,” the first being back in
1990 when he accompanied Ukraine’s first post-Communist president,
Leonid Kravchuk, to the show.

Stupka, 65, who plays the protagonist, is himself not Jewish. Yet his
character seems to know how a non-Jew can so poignantly portray a
Jewish man.

“The Ukrainians are the closest to Jews” of all the people among whom
they live, says Stupka’s Tevye during the show. Offstage, Stupka finds
another way of explaining this phenomenon.

“The life of an actor is similar to wandering stars, to the fate of Jews,”
he told JTA after the performance, referring to the title of another book by
Sholem Aleichem, “The Wandering Stars.”

Stupka is widely recognized in his own country as Ukraine’s most famous
actor, and many think that Tevye is his most memorable stage role over the
last 10 years.

“Stupka gets into the psychology of his character to complete reincarnation
on stage. His laugh through tears is the laugh of Sholem Aleichem,” said
Alexander Zlotnik, a popular Ukrainian composer and the president of the
Association of Reform Jewish Congregations in Ukraine.

Stupka said he had contact with Jews as a child. Born in a region of Western
Ukraine once densely populated by Jews, he was brought up and educated
in a region where Jewish life and tradition was kept alive even after the
Holocaust.

“At home and in the theater – everywhere I lived and communicated with
Jews. In Western Ukraine, where I grew up, many Jews were very religious.

Sometimes, I got to see how they celebrated Jewish holidays,” recalls
Stupka, who on stage as Tevye speaks about the importance of keeping
Jewish tradition alive.

Non-Jewish viewers say they come to see the production not only for the
quality of the acting and the memorable songs, but also to get acquainted
with Jewish culture.

“I’ve always been fond of Sholem Aleichem’s stories. I like them very much
and find that the life of Tevye’s family must have been very familiar to my
grandparents, who lived side by side with Jewish people,” said Oksana
Vishnya, a non-Jewish college student from Kiev whose family comes from
Berdichev, a town that was once a major Jewish center.

The Ivan Franko Theater, the nation’s leading Ukrainian-language drama
company, stages almost exclusively the works of Ukrainian authors. The
theater managers say they consider the works of Sholem Aleichem, though
originally written in Yiddish, to be a central part of Ukrainian heritage –
and the audiences seem to agree.

We always have a full theater for ‘Tevye,’ and tickets are sold out far in
advance of each show, said a theater administrator.
Some of the viewers said they were excited to see the Jewish rituals
performed on stage, or even such basic Jewish attributes as yarmulkes and
tefillin they rarely see in real life.

But the production of “Tevye” is not only a celebration of the Jewish
experience, Stupka says. This play is an inspiration to us all, Jews and
non-Jews, serving as a universal affirmation of the inner strength and faith
within each and every one of us, he said.

Stupka says the popularity of the production also lies in the fact that
Sholem Aleichem wrote a timeless story while depicting a typical small-
town Jewish family of his time.

Stupka adds that to him it was important that the production keeps going
in spite of a recent outburst of anti-Semitic sentiments in Ukraine.

“It’s a tragedy when hostility between people has ethnic roots. Against
his background of anti-Semitic incidents, we try to prove the opposite –
the friendship between Ukrainians and Jews,” said Stupka, wiping sweat
from his forehead after three hours on stage. -30-
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28. CONTEMPOARTUKRAINE
Quarterly art magazine introducing today’s Ukrainian artists

The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Wednesday, November 16, 2005

KYIV- ContempoARTukraine is an outstanding quarterly art magazine
designed to introduce and promote contemporary Ukrainian artists.

The magazine was first published in Ukraine in the summer of 2003 in
English. The magazine was founded by Walter Belanger who is
still the managing editor and lives in Kyiv.

Each issue features 10 different artists, of the more traditional art styles
[not modern art]. Each artist has six pages of full color reproductions
and a comprehensive article by a qualified art historian about their life,
styles and level of artistic experience.

Belanger told The Action Ukraine Report the aim of the magazine is to
show to the world the richness and quality of Ukrainian art. “The
publication, after three years, is turning into a mini-encyclopedia of
Ukrainian art, so far featuring over 80 outstanding painters and artists,”
Belanger said.

During the past three years ContempoARTukraine has also organized
15 art exhibitions of works by artists featured in the magazine in
California. With the active support of the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation
(USUF) of Washington, D.C., Ukrainian artists were introduced to
many U.S. art lovers.

Collectors of many national origins have now discovered Ukrainian art
and the list of collectors is growing with each exhibition. Managing
Editor Walter Belanger said, “California many not be the world but it
has been a good place to start. It is very gratifying that at our
exhibitions, since the Orange Revolution, we do not have to explain
anymore ‘Where is Ukraine?’

Belanger wrote in his ‘From The Editor’ column in the fourth issue for
year 2004, “We dedicate this issues of contempoARTukraine to the
Orange Revolution. To the young people of the student organization
PORA! (Time has come!), to all the people of Ukraine who, at last,
could exercise their constitutional rights, and to the fairly elected new
president, Victor Yushchenko. May the Spirit of Orange guide them
now and in the future.”

Walter Balanger spends a considerable portion of his time traveling
around Ukraine looking for, interviewing and then working with the
artists he chooses to feature in the magazine. He said he plans to
continue publishing the magazine and promoting Ukrainian art and
artists for many more years. -30-
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NOTE: All the past issues of the outstanding new magazine
contempoARTukraine are still available. For information on how to
purchase any or all of the past editions of the magazine or to purchase
a yearly subscription please contact
ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net.

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Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
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“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR”
An Agent Of Change
A Free, Not-for-profit, Independent, Public Service Newsletter
ARTICLES ARE FOR PERSONAL AND ACADEMIC USE ONLY
Articles are Distributed For Information, Research, Education
Discussion and Personal Purposes Only
========================================================
NOTE: The new book, “Day and Eternity of James Mace”
published by The Day in Kyiv, in English or in Ukrainian, is available
from the www.ArtUkraine.com Information Service. If you are
interesting in finding out how to order the new book please send an
e-mail to ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net. EDITOR
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NOTE: The Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA) will be assisting
in the famine/holodomor/genocide commemorations in Kyiv during
November of this year. The Federation needs to raise several thousand
dollars for expenses related to the Holodomor Exhibition to be held in
the Ukrainian House. Donations can be made out to the Ukrainian
Federation of America and sent to the Federation at 930 Henrietta
Avenue, Huntingdon Valley, PA 19006. Please designate your donation
for the Dr. James Mace Memorial Holodomor Fund. EDITOR
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UKRAINE INFORMATION WEBSITE: http://www.ArtUkraine.com
========================================================
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“THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT – AUR” is an in-depth, private,
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PUBLISHER AND EDITOR – AUR
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Director, Government Affairs
Washington Office, SigmaBleyzer Private Equity Investment Group
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Mobile in Kyiv: 8 050 689 2874
mwilliams@SigmaBleyzer.com; www.SigmaBleyzer.com
———————————————————————————————
Director, Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA)
Coordinator, Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC)
Senior Advisor, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF)
Chairman, Executive Committee, Ukraine-U.S. Business Council
Publisher, Ukraine Information Website, www.ArtUkraine.com
Member, International Ukrainian Holodomor Committee
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Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
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